tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-27570068944279381752024-03-21T11:13:50.435+00:00SideviewCommentary, reflection and views by Frank MeintjiesUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger126125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-53369827994728006032024-03-21T11:11:00.000+00:002024-03-21T11:13:18.050+00:00List of writers killed in Gaza<p> </p><p><table border="1" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="MsoTableGrid" style="border-collapse: collapse; border: none; mso-border-alt: solid #2F5496 2.25pt; mso-border-insideh-themecolor: accent1; mso-border-insideh-themeshade: 191; mso-border-insideh: 2.25pt solid #2F5496; mso-border-insidev-themecolor: accent1; mso-border-insidev-themeshade: 191; mso-border-insidev: 2.25pt solid #2F5496; mso-border-themecolor: accent1; mso-border-themeshade: 191; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184;">
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<td style="border-left: none; border: solid #2F5496 2.25pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid #2F5496 2.25pt; mso-border-left-themecolor: accent1; mso-border-left-themeshade: 191; mso-border-themecolor: accent1; mso-border-themeshade: 191; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 112.7pt;" valign="top" width="150"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgeKAl3lw2ZUZKetxDVr3jjbVs_RzRS5pAtmK-vJ7Qf-vKcJq78oqD-pEarETbtSRW6lYgfnKIibLsnbQ0H_mhajyPaiklyJz9oa8Tq2kxAO_W0LSep9H8-QAThd8lVHV3Odli6Qd53gTvq_ek1Kd4jHdmVhq4UBwvKZ5NscoBU2zWW_6Yl0xSRzThbpxo" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="151" data-original-width="178" height="96" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgeKAl3lw2ZUZKetxDVr3jjbVs_RzRS5pAtmK-vJ7Qf-vKcJq78oqD-pEarETbtSRW6lYgfnKIibLsnbQ0H_mhajyPaiklyJz9oa8Tq2kxAO_W0LSep9H8-QAThd8lVHV3Odli6Qd53gTvq_ek1Kd4jHdmVhq4UBwvKZ5NscoBU2zWW_6Yl0xSRzThbpxo=w113-h96" width="113" /></a></div><br /></td>
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</p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 5.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 5.0pt; tab-stops: 120.5pt; text-align: center;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #002060; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-style-textoutline-fill-alpha: 100.0%; mso-style-textoutline-fill-color: #0D0D0D; mso-style-textoutline-fill-colortransforms: "lumm=95000 lumo=5000"; mso-style-textoutline-fill-themecolor: text1; mso-style-textoutline-outlinestyle-align: center; mso-style-textoutline-outlinestyle-compound: simple; mso-style-textoutline-outlinestyle-dash: solid; mso-style-textoutline-outlinestyle-dpiwidth: .75pt; mso-style-textoutline-outlinestyle-join: bevel; mso-style-textoutline-outlinestyle-linecap: round; mso-style-textoutline-outlinestyle-pctmiterlimit: 0%; mso-style-textoutline-type: solid;">Writers* Killed in Gaza by Israeli Attacks
Since October 2023<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 5.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 5.0pt; tab-stops: 120.5pt; text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: helvetica; font-size: x-small;"><i>This is a list of writers killed in Gaza, many of them by what seems like specifically targeted attacks</i>. </span></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Author<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Note<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><b><span style="color: #231f20;"><o:p> </o:p></span>Nour al-Din Hajjaj</b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">The last
statement to the outside world of poet and writer Nour al-Din Hajjaj’s before
he was killed on 3 December 2023 was: “My name is Nour al Din Hajjaj, I am a
Palestinian writer, I am twenty-seven years old and I have many dreams. I am
not a number and I do not consent to my death being passing news. Say, too,
that I love life, happiness, freedom, children’s laughter, the sea, coffee,
writing …” Hajjaj actively participated in the Cordoba Association and the
Days of Theater Foundation. His works include the play, <i>The Gray Ones </i>(2022)
and the novel, <i>Wings That Do Not Fly</i> (2021).<span style="font-size: 9pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><b>Shahadah Al-Buhbahan</b></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Poet and
educational researcher, along with his granddaughter, Prof Al-Buhbahan was killed
in Gaza on 24 October 2023.<span style="font-size: 9pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiNyEfw1xHpYU7RQhuFporT-qwLtPfOACtfPhHmMi0k8gmeVgZg6KiJIq43TG_JhzwGQzTVX1BtSCoJ19H2Dl4C2kOKQ_QtZwTUHhI9c85a1S0eHL4OgpCkmZT01ddjVvztJCX7z8yR1EdB2KX5xFQE4LUki3ivsyhuS3npvZbWIJ-Zi-zonJwOPZPNsP0" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="151" data-original-width="119" height="175" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiNyEfw1xHpYU7RQhuFporT-qwLtPfOACtfPhHmMi0k8gmeVgZg6KiJIq43TG_JhzwGQzTVX1BtSCoJ19H2Dl4C2kOKQ_QtZwTUHhI9c85a1S0eHL4OgpCkmZT01ddjVvztJCX7z8yR1EdB2KX5xFQE4LUki3ivsyhuS3npvZbWIJ-Zi-zonJwOPZPNsP0=w138-h175" width="138" /></a></div><br /><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">He was a
man of literature, excelling as an
academic. He was loved by his family, relatives and neighbours in Al-Bureij
refugee camp. He completed his university education in Cairo, worked as a
teacher in Libya for several years, then returned to Gaza to continue
teaching and pursue higher studies. He authored several poetry collections
celebrated by students in Gaza schools. On 24 October 2023, he was killed
along with his wife, daughters, son, and grandson.<span style="font-size: 9pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><b>Yusuf
Dawas</b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Young
artist and writer, who was also a guitarist and active participant in the ‘We
Are Not Numbers’ initiative documenting the suffering of the Palestinian
people under Israeli occupation, was martyred. He wrote in both Arabic and
English and produced several videos discussing various topics, including his
dream of traveling and exploring the world, a dream that many young people in
Gaza Harbor, especially given the more than sixteen years of the blockade
imposed on them by the Israeli occupation.</span><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">Omar Faris Abu Shaweesh</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">The poet Omar Faris Abu Shaweesh (36) was martyred on October 7th during the shelling of the Nuseirat refugee camp in Gaza. He was a prominent community activist and made various contributions in social, youth, cultural, and intellectual spheres. He co-founded several youth associations and organizations and received the Outstanding Arab Youth Award from the Arab Youth Council for Integrated Development, affiliated with the Arab League.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Heba
Abu Nada</span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #0d0d0d; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
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<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The writer and poet, Heba
Kamal Saleh Abu Nada (32 years old), was martyred on October 20th. She was a
refugee from the displaced and destroyed village of Beit Jirja in 1948. She
wrote stories, novels, and poetry. She is the author of </span><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/39943148"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Oxygen is Not for the Dead</span></a><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> (2017), for which she was
awarded the Sharjah Award for Arab Creativity.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Her
last poem, published on<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>her last
Facebook post (8 Oct) before she was killed by Israeli bombs at Khan Younis,
stated: </span><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">“The night in the city is dark, except for the glow of the missiles;
silent, except for the sound of the bombing; terrifying, except for the
reassuring promise of prayer; black, except for the light of the<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">martyrs. Good night.”</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg9Dc2u8PwxkMvsePEGCH6uDrqacNCVDb102LsRCtcQFTdJZGU4CbGgLYpgCRaK9MlxeQrrxbQKAqBqEh9fIDxw3OxoY50g9Dt2gqK3EXZMunVbQP6PM-8in24t2Wqx9lunl9Xj9eMAfT8Cka6NgyXSD5y07hSEzNUgpSRKd1TjpMyNQyyPDo6j9NCL1vk" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="144" data-original-width="147" height="178" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg9Dc2u8PwxkMvsePEGCH6uDrqacNCVDb102LsRCtcQFTdJZGU4CbGgLYpgCRaK9MlxeQrrxbQKAqBqEh9fIDxw3OxoY50g9Dt2gqK3EXZMunVbQP6PM-8in24t2Wqx9lunl9Xj9eMAfT8Cka6NgyXSD5y07hSEzNUgpSRKd1TjpMyNQyyPDo6j9NCL1vk=w182-h178" width="182" /></a></div><br /><p></p>
</td>
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<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><b>Said
Al-Dahshan</b></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">T</span><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">he
writer, and his family were martyred
on October 11. Al-Dahshan was an expert in international law and had authored
many works and research specialized in Palestinian affairs. </span><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">His book, <em><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;">How
to Sue Israel</span></em>, outlined a legal strategy for holding Israel
accountable for its violations of international law.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</td>
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<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 7;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Calibri Light"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><b>Abdul
Karim Al-Hashash</b></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" valign="bottom" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #231f20; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">The
writer and Palestinian heritage advocate Abdul Karim Al-Hashash (76), along
with many of his family members, was killed on October 23 in the city of
Rafah. Al-Hashash was known for his writings on Palestinian folk heritage and
his research on Bedouin heritage, customs, and Arab proverbs. He also
collected dozens of rare books about Palestine, its history, and its heritage
in his library.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 8;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" valign="top" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><b>Saleem
Al-Naffar</b></span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" valign="top" width="422">
<p style="background: white; margin-bottom: 7.5pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Top poet Saleem Al-Naffar advocated for peaceful resistance and
whose poetry expressed the struggle of Palestinians to survive and to be
remembered in history. He and his family were killed in an Israeli airstrike
on their home in Gaza City on Dec. 7. <span style="background: white;">In
1994, his family returned to Gaza, where he published poetry collections,
novels, and an autobiography in Arabic.</span><span style="font-size: 9pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</td>
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<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 9;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" valign="bottom" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><b>Abdullah
Al-Aqad</b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">With
his wife and four children, Al-Aqad was slain on 16 October 2023 by the Zionist
bombardment of his house in Khan Younis city. <span style="font-size: 9pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</td>
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<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 10;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><b>Mustafa
Al-Sawwaf</b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Writer
and journalist Mustafa Hassan Mahmoud</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Al-Sawwaf (68) was the first editor-in-chief of the first daily
newspaper published in the</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Gaza Strip, which he also founded. He and several members of his
family was killed due</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">to the Israeli occupation’s shelling of his home in eastern Gaza
on 18 November 2023. Al-Sawwaf is one of the most prominent Palestinian
journalists</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">and
analysts. He served as the editor-in-chief of several newspapers/ His
collection of political short stories is entitled, <i>There Was a Householder</i> (2017).</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Narrow"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Narrow";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 11;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" valign="bottom" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><b>Dr Refaat
Alareer<o:p></o:p></b></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><br /></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Dr.
Alareer was a beloved professor of literature and creative writing at
the Islamic University of Gaza, where he taught since 2007. On 7 December
2023, Alareer (44) was killed together with his brother and sister and four
of her children in a targeted Israeli attack on his home. One of his notable
works is the collection of short stories, <i>Gaza Writes Back</i>, in which
young writers, writing in English, seek to bring their stories to a wider
audience.<span style="font-size: 9pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 12;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><b>Inas
al-Saqa</b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" width="422"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgYitm7pbu90iJ1HFWJxkuiNJzAKuZJ-huiu1BSkHWBHmpC1mdo6JbdWackMJ-P21TvjsJPpdVThQP2mVt8X_Fxn3NkDOL8mYr-A7bq0fnTgRDxHtmx-JIIIYzwrcy1DyPlsyIzYEWBjP6AWYKS1K9ppE1s8JZ59ck8ZjgYszGXnKdEA66hNR3Adi3On1Q" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="147" data-original-width="128" height="163" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgYitm7pbu90iJ1HFWJxkuiNJzAKuZJ-huiu1BSkHWBHmpC1mdo6JbdWackMJ-P21TvjsJPpdVThQP2mVt8X_Fxn3NkDOL8mYr-A7bq0fnTgRDxHtmx-JIIIYzwrcy1DyPlsyIzYEWBjP6AWYKS1K9ppE1s8JZ59ck8ZjgYszGXnKdEA66hNR3Adi3On1Q=w142-h163" width="142" /></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shape
id="Picture_x0020_2" o:spid="_x0000_i1026" type="#_x0000_t75" alt="Inas al-Saqa"
style='width:61.8pt;height:70.8pt;visibility:visible;mso-wrap-style:square'>
<v:imagedata src="file:///C:/Users/Acer/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image005.jpg"
o:title="Inas al-Saqa"/>
</v:shape><![endif]--><!--[if !vml]--><!--[endif]--></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Inas
al-Saqa, a celebrated playwright, actor, and educator who worked extensively
in children’s theatre, was killed by an Israeli airstrike late October
alongside three of her children—Sara, Leen, and Ibrahim. Saqa and her
five children were sheltering in a building in Gaza City when it was hit by
an Israeli air strike. Two of her children, Farah and Ritta, survived
the attack but are critically injured and in intensive care. In this article,
the Palestinian Ministry of Culture mourned the loss, noting Inas's profound
contributions to the theatre community: </span><a href="https://bnnbreaking.com/arts/a-tragic-curtain-call-remembering-palestinian-actress-inas-al-saqa/"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">https://bnnbreaking.com/arts/a-tragic-curtain-call-remembering-palestinian-actress-inas-al-saqa/</span></a><span style="color: #0070c0; font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">.
</span><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Saqa appeared in the 2014 Palestinian film Sara, She also
appeared in the film The Homeland’s Sparrow, which was produced in Gaza and
directed by Mustafa al-Nabih. Saqa is also remembered for her cultural work,
including her association with theatre groups within Gaza.</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 13;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><b>Dr. Jihad Suleiman Al-Masri<o:p></o:p></b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p><b> </b></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 9.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Dr. Jihad Suleiman
Al-Masri was a historian and university professor who wrote on Islamic
history and Palestinian oral traditions. He died on October 17, after succumbing
to injuries sustained in the Israeli shelling of Khan Yunis. He had been on
his way to join his wife and daughter at the time of the attack. He served as the director of Al-Quds Open
University’s Khan Yunis branch.<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</td>
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<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 14;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="font-family: helvetica;">Saleem Al-Naffar </span></b></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" valign="bottom" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Saleem Al-Naffar was
a renowned poet who advocated for peaceful resistance and whose poetry
expressed the struggle of Palestinians to survive and to be remembered in
history. On Dec. 7, Al-Naffar and his family were killed in an Israeli
airstrike on their home in GAZA. Born in a refugee camp in Gaza, Al-Naffar
fled with his family during the 1967 war to Syria. But he returned in
1994, and went on to published poetry collections, novels, and an
autobiography in Arabic.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">His poem <i>Life</i> reads, <i>“Knives
might eat / what remains of my ribs, / machines might smash / what remains of
stones, / but life is coming, / for that is its way, / creating life even for
us.”</i><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
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<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 15;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><b>Hamza Abyan</b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" valign="bottom" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Hamza Abyan, a
19-year-old student of translation, faced life's challenges with resilience
and ambition despite being orphaned by his father. Dreaming of literary
success, he excelled in writing poetry and novels, aspiring to publish his
first book. However, Israeli bombings fell in front of his house in Gaza. He
and his family fled to the southern Gaza Strip in search of safety. But,
their refuge was not spared as Israeli aircraft bombed their shelter,
claiming the lives of Hamza and his family on 26th October 2023.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjr-upPh2wxgAYj6wI7vuyhJBCr5zoR2GYYZWakLF87DGg8A8K_3mOwz1VcG28WBgPeMnOY0KjVW2OFMfYLPJ75-0vEGmmgFnwrluDnI6NLvkxGbBW7X9waAD0gM_K4oNnUk0lmvPMpPgY4hseiAncfVj7P9AvkNBM4PMux0uM1kM0VR7F7x-_MjruhilM" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="151" data-original-width="178" height="156" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjr-upPh2wxgAYj6wI7vuyhJBCr5zoR2GYYZWakLF87DGg8A8K_3mOwz1VcG28WBgPeMnOY0KjVW2OFMfYLPJ75-0vEGmmgFnwrluDnI6NLvkxGbBW7X9waAD0gM_K4oNnUk0lmvPMpPgY4hseiAncfVj7P9AvkNBM4PMux0uM1kM0VR7F7x-_MjruhilM=w184-h156" width="184" /></a></div><br /><p></p>
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<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 16; mso-yfti-lastrow: yes;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 134.45pt;" width="179">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><b>Yousef Maher Dawas</b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 316.35pt;" valign="bottom" width="422">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">Yousef Maher Dawas
was a young Heialt and writer. Yousef was studying to be a psychoanalyst. In
January 2023, he published an essay entitled “Who will pay for the 20 years
we lost?” In this essay, he recounts the destruction of his family’s orchard
by an Israeli missile strike in May 2022. He died alongside members of his
family in the northern town of Beit Lahia on Saturday, 14th October 2023. We
Are Not Numbers, a collective he belonged to, announced his death on Twitter.<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody></table>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Sources</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">: </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">They Have Names; They Had
Dreams (https://theyhavenames.net/they-had-dreams/); The Literary Hub
(https://lithub.com/these-are-the-poets-and-writers-who-have-been-killed-in-gaza/);
Ministry of Health in Gaza. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">* Note</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">:
This is not a comprehensive list.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">* Note:</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">
The writers featured here are those who formed part of the literature
community. Journalists and most academics are not included in this list. All
the writers featured here are Palestinian. A search for Jewish writers killed
since October 2023 did not reveal any names.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: right;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">FM
15/2/2024<o:p></o:p></span></p><br /><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-83850697607431905942022-09-20T12:07:00.004+00:002022-09-26T15:39:39.376+00:00Encounters with Biko 3: “Hope never befriends fools…” (Bra Wally told us*)<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><i>In this guest post, Glenn Farred deals with pain, memory and difficult encounters in the trenches. These things </i><span style="font-style: italic; text-align: left;">– which come with a</span><i> distinct lack of closure, given how things have turned out in Mzansi </i><span style="font-style: italic; text-align: left;">–</span><i> follow us now. However, poets and poetry can help us revisit and process those unspoken things. </i></span><b style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">By GLEN FARRED.</span></b></p><p><span style="text-align: justify;">It was a late afternoon, “cold
and bright,” as Orwell might have said, when we gathered for one of those tense
and fretful meetings. Kids, in their respective school uniforms, moved around
awkwardly. In a classroom, we gathered to plan or, more precisely, receive
instructions. At the head of the classroom, teacher-like, stood a young woman no
older than 18, fierce and stern.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Some misadventure was being
proposed and she was dutifully instructing us on our acceptance. People
shuffled their feet under the desks. Some murmuring of discontent was hidden
behind surreptitious coughing. People looked down, sideways, out the window –
no one looked directly at each other – as if avoiding embarrassment. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">I turned to the person behind me,
who had arrived late, and sat throughout in silence. “Comrade, this is crazy…”I
muttered at him. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">The COSAS organiser, the chap
behind me, already a grown man, who should, one hoped, have known better,
growled back and hissed: “Why are you telling me?”</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">We exchanged those sounds between
each other, the ones made are between the tongue, the teeth and the cheeks; indeed,
through quiet stares and imperceptible facial tics our exchange took place: </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i>You know this is crazy!/ <o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i>Yes but it’s <u>not my problem</u>/<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i>It’s <u>your fucking job</u>/<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i>Still not my problem/<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i>Arsehole/<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i>Fuck you!”<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">The little man, the organiser, is
actually quite a whimsical fellow. Short in stature, gruffness was projected to
convey a gravitas otherwise lacking. You could take him seriously but only up
to a point. He did however possess an enormous facility to mimic voices and
accents; acting was his more natural calling, with such skill as to paint
entire pictures with only his voice. Once seen in this light, you would know
instantly that he had passed through that most cultured of youth organisations:
LAGUNYACRO (Langa, Gugulethu, Nyanga, Crossroads Youth Organisation). </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">That afternoon there was no place
for culture or art or laughter. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">The voice of authority, at the
head of the classroom, possessed an entirely different persona. This was a person
whose complete emotional range seemed to be irritation, contempt, back to
irritation. It was entirely natural and foretold that in the years to come she
would spread her scorn from the employ of National Treasury, in what one can
only imagine they believed to have been the “glory days” of GEAR! Can someone
be born spiteful? Incontrovertibly, she was well suited for those roles.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">The “line” was being given and
had to be dutifully received. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Clearing of the throat… “Comrade
Chair, can we consider...” In return the look, the evil eye and cold stare. The
madness wasn’t entirely the fault of the messenger, although some people are
naturally more inclined to be anti-democratic. When armed with an entire
political, ideological and organisational framework in which to operate, they
will indeed flourish, if that’s the correct expression.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Our tense exchange was brought to
an abrupt halt by the sounds of police sirens screaming and screeching nearby, close
but not yet at the scene of our gathering. Quickly the meeting dispersed,
convinced of course that we were the target needing to escape. Whatever mayhem
was being unleashed, we left, mercifully having to abandon, for now, the crazy
little scheme. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">But everything that day sat
uncomfortably. Everything. It left a niggling feeling, an unpalatable residue
on the tongue, irritating the back of the throat, an itch at the nape of the
neck. Wrong. Off. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Making my way home, night having
fallen, and in a heightened state of alertness, passing an alley, a voice spoke
from the gloom. All the micro decisions pop up: Turn to the speaker? Ignore and
move on? Run? Which way? Across the field? Back across the road? What are the
distances? Which way is safer?</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Turning to face the voice, which
emerged from the shadows, it was recognisable - as was the fact that it should
not be there. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">The voice told: “<i>Ashley Kriel** had just been murdered at the
safe house; I was supposed to meet him there. The taxi I was taking broke down
here and delayed me. It is not safe for me to go back to where I was. Take me to
so-and-so</i>.”</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">A month or so later that young man*** would be captured and tortured (to say brutally would be a tautology) and sentenced
to 14 years on Robben Island. He would be one of the last to leave that island.
He would lose some essential part of himself but struggle to retain so much,
and perhaps in the end, having gained something in return. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Years later, although not so many
as have passed now, deep into the night, we sat together on the field of a
stadium that was named after him, in a little town at the edge of that
province.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">There was a kind of madness
between the man on the field and the name on the stadium. We smoked and talked
and laughed and took the piss out of the fountain of bitterness which life had
made us drink. </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Who would know these things? Who
could say what could not be spoken or even understood? Who would forge the
language – craft the words – for that which no language or words yet existed? </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">It begins simply. We will never
know exactly how. It comes from the part of ourselves we know and do not wish
to know. It is the voice of prophecy foretold; the words, sounds and images
which summon the deed, the action, the bold. Before the beginning, it had
already begun.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Words on paper. Images on
canvas. Notes and voices in song.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Bob Marley said: </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i>“This judgment can never be with water, No water can put out this fire!
<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i>It’s the Fire that’s burning down everything… Everywhere this fire is
burning and melting their gold!”</i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">James Baldwin said: </p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i>“God gave Noah the rainbow sign, No more water, Fire next time!”<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">There can be no consciousness, no
consciousness at all, without the poets, the writers, the singers, the
musicians, the artists. They are not only our conscience but the awakening of
our consciousness – they open in us the windows and doors to the inner workings
of the mind and its imaginings.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i><span></span>The artist
spoke<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i> And fire was made flesh<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i>The fire came<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i>The fire
burnt<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i>Will we be<o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i>Next time?</i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Biko Lives!</p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b>by Glen Farred</b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">*S</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">ee Mongane Wally Serote's poem, When Lights Go Out. **</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Ashley Kriel died in 1987,
murdered by the Apartheid regime in cold blood, aged 20. ***Nicklo Pedro (see pics below) was 20
years old when he was arrested in 1987. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeQ00zeFEn9aoDCizT1Qek2BL-mq2IhcHKtAh5e0WbMA8Fzm02nL_kY6J1E6tEIXzU12L_csXDz5SbDfXNGXbU34hk8w3pg0YjWUwAbsDNN4GRMEUG6YwfsDflEw3PY82SoekBRg2Q8rT5mbBBuZ5mQ8YfSWHskok1rV1fTxFM17p3NRGjagRbIaC0/s340/Nicklo%20composite.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="225" data-original-width="340" height="212" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeQ00zeFEn9aoDCizT1Qek2BL-mq2IhcHKtAh5e0WbMA8Fzm02nL_kY6J1E6tEIXzU12L_csXDz5SbDfXNGXbU34hk8w3pg0YjWUwAbsDNN4GRMEUG6YwfsDflEw3PY82SoekBRg2Q8rT5mbBBuZ5mQ8YfSWHskok1rV1fTxFM17p3NRGjagRbIaC0/s320/Nicklo%20composite.png" width="320" /></a></div><br /><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-17859357300617472072022-09-17T09:16:00.004+00:002022-09-20T04:51:19.402+00:00Encounters with Biko 2: “The dead no longer remember…”<p><em style="font-size: 13.6px;"></em></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><em style="font-size: 13.6px;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVbfdgdCgKlRG-wSiQ1dPTSlTiMFWNzYpZ5_ubZBaMF0PACRP3QVv0FGWLYvjno2Pj9LiDb2w3dwmH8xdJKb-mRj2dtxTaxUh-UtfkckZ5QnrDTyBoynTw5ccjT7OaOoVdEgKbDykR3Tth1Oxb4P1BdthmneYKpZXyjr6NobaJQeo5H4llQW8ljsrK/s806/Biko%204%20(2).png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="187" data-original-width="806" height="74" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVbfdgdCgKlRG-wSiQ1dPTSlTiMFWNzYpZ5_ubZBaMF0PACRP3QVv0FGWLYvjno2Pj9LiDb2w3dwmH8xdJKb-mRj2dtxTaxUh-UtfkckZ5QnrDTyBoynTw5ccjT7OaOoVdEgKbDykR3Tth1Oxb4P1BdthmneYKpZXyjr6NobaJQeo5H4llQW8ljsrK/s320/Biko%204%20(2).png" width="320" /></a></em></div><em style="font-size: 13.6px;"><em style="font-size: 13.6px;"><span><p><em style="font-size: 13.6px;"><em style="font-size: 13.6px;"><span>This is the second in Glenn Farred's Encounters with Biko. As someone from a younger generation, he engages with holders of the legacy and discusses how, often, memory work is controlled and misused for untoward ends. He uses these encounters to restate the need to go beyond the instances of gatekeeping and seek the essence of Biko's legacy: to continue to resist conditions of oppression and exploitation. By <b>GLENN FARRED</b></span></em><span style="font-size: 13.6px;"> </span></em></p></span></em></em><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Even the most
casual observer of history will recognise that the monuments and statues built
to immortalise people or events are an act of deception. Monuments and memory
are not the same; they are built precisely to tell us what someone else wants
us to remember and more importantly, what it is they want us to forget. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">This deception
is built on the quite incontestable advantage the living have: the dead cannot
speak.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">My first year of
high school began with my history teacher initiating the study of the subject
with E H Carr’s “<i>What Is History?</i>”
Throughout those five years my assignments and exam scripts were marked, in red
of course, with a recurrent admonishment: </span><i style="text-align: center;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="color: red;">“Nothing is inevitable except death!”</span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">The exasperation
and palpable frustration cannot accurately be conveyed through the word
processor on a laptop. It was scrawled, slightly slanted, ink pressed hard into
the paper, underlined twice sometimes to underscore the point. Between our two
divergent viewpoints we could never agree. We were making history, not merely
studying it. The caution of the teacher cannot tame the courage of the pupil,
no matter how wise that counsel may be. Revolution is for the young and the
young will not be restrained. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">And we believed
that what was <i><u>to be </u></i>was <i><u>inevitable</u></i> because we were the
architects of our own destiny. We would not depart the stage of history as
those before us had done: defeated, exiled or imprisoned. Our historic mission
would end in victory, or as the slogan said, death. We would not retreat and we
would not surrender. We were young…and we were the many. When we commemorated
all those historic days and events back then it held an undertone of criticism
from one generation to the previous ones: their foolishness and foibles would
not be ours.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">But History is a
cruel teacher; the lessons, if not learnt, will be taught again.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">In 1987, ten
years after the death of Steve Biko at the hands of Apartheid’s thugs, it was
obvious that the event should be marked by some greater effort to celebrate and
salute the memory of this great hero. I found myself on a student body in the
portfolio of “Public Relations Officer”. In truth I thought this portfolio was
some kind of ironic joke. In those days just about every organisation in resistance
to the state found itself proscribed under the State of Emergency laws in force
at the time. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">Q: “How exactly does one publically relate the message
of a banned organisation comrades?”<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">A: “That’s your role. Find a way!”<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Of course, one
then had no choice but to “find a way”. As it happened, it was actually
possible, due to a loophole the Apartheid state had not quite gotten around to
closing. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">You could use what
was said in court, quote and speak around what was presented or petitioned in the
legal representations in Apartheid’s very own unjust persecutions and trial proceedings.
The opportunity of course depended on the State prosecuting people, which it naturally
did with abandon, sadly for those caught in its dragnet. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">This meant
spending an unhealthy amount of time with lawyers and advocates, in part to
coax certain statements out of them for presentation in open court and for use
in the wider public domain.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Advocates Chambers;
Lawyers consulting rooms; Magistrates Courts; Jail cells – these now became
essential spaces of battle. Every opportunity had to be taken to craft the
message, which could then be quoted, legally, with all the limitations that
inherently carried. Finding that line with fastidious legal minds, such as the
late Dullah Omar, could often prove difficult. Lawyers, even though they were comrades,
were still lawyers, sadly. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">If this sounds cynical
from today’s vantage point, it has to be placed in the context of the Apartheid
regimes efforts at smashing the mass movement having gone into over-drive, as
the trial of Wynberg Seven,for example,showed us. It was a particularly
hateful, indeed, intentionally cruel display of injustice, done with
purposefulness to frighten ordinary people from resisting or showing sympathy
for those who resisted. Sending children to jail, not as political prisoners,
but into the general prison population was truly evil, even by the Apartheid
regime's admittedly low standards. The heavily-tainted<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri","sans-serif"" lang="EN-ZA" style="font-size: 11pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
FW De Klerk’s bloody fingerprints can be found all over this case, as then
Apartheid Minister of Education, he could, if he chose, have intervened for
clemency. If you are not familiar with this lesser-known trial, I would
recommended it for your edification because of the chilling fact that those on
trial were not political activists, but mere children, whose worst crime was
throwing a stone or being in the vicinity of stone-throwing. Think over what
taking a child to prison means and then, if you have ever doubted those who
hate De Klerk, justify how he received a “peace” prize for a lifetime of such
deeds!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Not everything
could be left to “legal loopholes” and every opportunity had to be taken to
resist, mobilise and organise, regardless of the security apparatus or the fear
the Apartheid state wished to spread amongst the people to crush their spirit
and isolate activists. The tenth anniversary of Biko’s death was an event, no
matter the repression, which had to be marked and marked publicly – cowering behind
closed doors would be to give the regime exactly what it wanted and needed. If
they could crush this wave of resistance, as they had before, they could gain a
temporary but significant advantage over the mass movement. They could set the
terms of negotiations from a position of strength; no more nor less than the
terms of our surrender would be demanded, which they would be happy to
negotiate. To hold out, even for a stalemate, was enough to give the masses a
fighting chance in the battles which lay ahead. All this we understood; all
this we knew required sacrifice.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">In that moment, I
encountered the typical individual which all great struggles give rise to:
Those-Famous-By-Association! This is a by-product of struggle: people who are present when great moments or events happen; they are not the architects but the
supporting cast. They gain fame and stature disproportionate to their actual
role in events, they gain prestige by association. Once it is safe and the
great storms and tribulations have passed, they claim the mantle and speak in
the voice of the dead. We called these people opportunists, living off the
reflected glory of another’s sacrifice. Today we give them titles and positions
and public acclaim.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">In preparing the
Biko 10<sup>th</sup> Anniversary event, two people stood out as potential
speakers to give testimony about Biko, the man and person. The political
messaging from them was not important - that’s what the comrades on the podium would
do. But for the sake of completeness, surely personal reflections would add
value and insight? Why not bring flesh and bone to memory of the martyr? Each
of these personal associates of Biko were contacted and in a manner of
speaking, encountered.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">In an informal setting
I met PC Jones. He was warm, quite open and approachable. If a person can be
“happily scarred” then PC Jones struck me as being exactly that, and in that
contentment, it seemed both unkind and unnecessary to invite him onto a public
stage, with all the potential danger that entailed, to relive his time with
Biko. It seemed wiser to let those on their path of healing to proceed without
public spotlighting. Not every trauma needs public scrutiny and personal
reminiscences are sometimes best left in private spaces. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">The other option
was far more high profile, not above gratuitous name-dropping, reminding all
and sundry of her association with Biko. None of this must be taken as an
insult to this person, her personal history, achievements or contributions. She
should, as we all must, be judged on her own merit. It <i><u>was striking</u></i> how different her engagement was and is with
the life and legacy of Steve Bantu Biko. Haughty, self-important and arrogant,
the encounter was marked from the off by hostility: </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">“Who are you? …Do you know who I am? ... What kind of
event is this? … I am far too busy!”<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Unfortunately,
my generation lacks the kind of reverence for accidental and incidental people,
heroes and giants of their own imaginings. Attempts at rhetoric will be met
with logic. If you ask a question, expect an answer, exposition and argumentation.
You will not escape reason by fanciful declarations of self-importance. Many
veterans, returning exiles and Robben Islanders found themselves shocked by the
impertinence of young people who would not be silenced by the mere mention of
names or recitations of “struggle credentials”. In those days, we still
believed in accountability, actual accountability, not in words but deeds. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">My failed
attempt focused attention on the power of black consciousness and the power of
appropriation. This narrative of the self-made, liberated black achiever is not
Black Consciousness, as those who proclaim it believe. It represents a
fault-line, a chasm, between black consciousness as personal mantra, and Black
Consciousness as political movement. The very notion of “self-liberation”
equating to “my liberation” betrays an anti-Black consciousness. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Because the dead
cannot speak, the masquerading cast of supporting characters continues to
impersonate the real thing. If you believe that Biko intended you to enrich
yourself, attain personal wealth and pronounce on the sorry state of our
people's morals you are quite are quite entitled to do so. What you are not
entitled to, what you must be called out on, is the meaning and intent of Black
Liberation - and your position and role in the achievement or hindrance of it. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">This assumed
moral superiority displays a complete disregard for the material conditions of
oppression and exploitation black people endure while you have taken the money
and comfort white people give you. Don’t quibble – if you gained anything by
your efforts you gained those <i>rewards
from someone</i>! Who hands out those rewards? And what did they gain in
return?</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Don’t presume to
teach us morals or tell us how to resist. We do not need “psychological”
liberation and lectures on our “dependency on hand-outs”. We exist and resist,
despite, not because of you. You are either part of the problem or you are part
of the solution. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">As the poet
said:</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">“When you are sick<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">And tired<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">Of being sick<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">And tired<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">Remind the living <o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">That the <o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">Dead <o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">No longer<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">Remember”<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">We Speak For Dead
Because We Demand The Right To Live!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Biko Lives!</span></p><p>
</p><div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-ZA"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri","sans-serif"" lang="EN-ZA" style="font-size: 10pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-ZA"> <span style="font-size: x-small;">The De Klerk regime was indeed bloody. The TRC was scathing in its
denunciation of the state-sponsored violence of the early 90s. The TRC heard
how the state was associated with train killings, chemical warfare as well as chemical attacks on Frelimo, and how
reports by Gen Pierre Steyn were never acted on. (See <a href="https://tinyurl.com/bdfkpz5y">https://tinyurl.com/bdfkpz5y</a>).</span></span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-64705430989110312452022-09-15T18:24:00.013+00:002022-09-19T08:59:03.820+00:00South Africa’s democracy: in urgent need of a capable state<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;"><b><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: x-small;"><em><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 150%;">After
many years of a post-apartheid society, we now know democracy only thrives
where the state is sufficiently ethical, competent, and capable, writes
Thamsanqa Mabandla. In this guest piece, Mabandla argues that 'the dream' has
turned sour and contradictions are causing the unseemly break-up of the ruling
party </span></em><em><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 150%;">–</span></em></span><em><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: x-small;"><span> these
giving rise to waves of right-wing nationalism. But the trick is never to give
up on democracy and to keep agitating for a capable state</span>.</span><span style="font-family: times;"> By THAMSANQA MABANDLA.<br /></span></span></em></span></b></p></div><p class="MsoNormal"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><br /></div>After decades of globalisation, the world political system
has become obsolete – and spasms of resurgent nationalism are a sign of its
irreversible decline. The nation-state as a universal, permanent, and
unchanging social entity has entered a period of deep crisis. Our
national political authority is in decline, and, since we do not know any other
sort, it feels like the end of the world. A strange brand of apocalyptic narrow
nationalism is so widely in vogue currently. Nation states everywhere
appear to be in an advanced state of political and moral decay from which they
cannot individually extricate themselves. Even if we wanted to restore
what we once had, that moment is gone. But to acknowledge this is to
acknowledge the end of politics itself. <p></p><p class="MsoNormal">Governments are increasingly controlled by outside forces
and possess only partial influence over national affairs: this has been the reality
of our own democracy, and it feels like a terrifying return to primitive
vulnerability under apartheid. South Africa’s ceremony of innocence has
been drowned in violence, factionalism, venality, corruption, lawlessness,
and expediency which have now become the order of the day.After many years of
freedom, we now know democracy only thrives where the state is sufficiently
ethical, competent, and capable. If not, being a mere democracy is just a
symbolic act and not enough to build a country. South Africa’s democracy has
also taught us that even change which seems revolutionary can leave the
essential patterns and horrors of the past intact. You’d be blind not to see it
and damned if you ignore it.</p><p class="MsoNormal">The country’s present depressing reality is too common to
easily capture the gnawing sensibility seeping across all aspects of social
life. The majority remain trapped in poverty and unemployment and the daily
dread of life under democracy and its mutations act as a symptom, pointing to
something not yet discernible or understandable, an uneasy sense of
anticipation. Most citizens appear worse off today than they were before, and
the contradictions established by settler-colonialism remain visible. South
Africa’s democratisation seems caught up in what the poet Lebo Mashile once
referred to as "the existential crisis of a miracle overstretched"
and what Achille Mbembe aptly describes as the dialectic of the dream that is
always on the verge of becoming a nightmare.</p><p class="MsoNormal">The lingering question is: Why has the post-apartheid
state failed to move beyond the limitations of its apartheid forebear?</p><p class="MsoNormal">Since coming to power the ANC government has politicized
democratic institutions and social inequalities have been widening. The
state capture debacle and the collapse of the state-owned institutions have
further deepened cynicism of citizens about their own democratic institutions
and democracy itself.As such, it is easy to understand the commonly held view
that, a large part of the apartheid ediface now appears enmeshed in the
ANC, and the liberation movement has become enmeshed in capital. Clearly, the
ANC is imploding from the weight of its own contradictions. Despite this, South
Africa’s high levels of discontent remain deeply etched in the
political-economic order as the gulf between South Africa’s haves and have nots
is vast.</p><p class="MsoNormal">What it means to be a South African is now murkier and
blurrier than it was at the dawn of democracy.</p><p class="MsoNormal">Political polarisation and populist right nationalism has
given rise to the othering of others. By constructing the ‘other’ i.e.,
foreigner, the invader as a source of our problems reflects post-apartheid’s
aborted project of nation-building. Persistent Afrophobia, xenophobia,
racism,are some of the many enduring reactionary tendencies engulfing society
today as new forms of articulation that attempt to displace idealistic desires
for a Pan- Africanist inclusionary outlook. There clearly is a rising momentum
of sporadic and unpredictable community organisations that have sprung up and
organised around the nexus of anti-crime / anti-foreigner sentiment. The
progressive-leaning voices are only ‘winning’ this battle on social media
platforms.</p><p class="MsoNormal">Nevertheless, relentlessly attacking the state and
slamming the idea of being a democracy only serve to delegitimise our common
endeavour to overcome the legacy of our past. We must reimagine the state that
interferes to create markets - not reduced to policing the system, a state as a
servant of the people – built around public-spirited civil servants whose
loyalties and commitments to state affairs are not determined by their
allegiance to race, gender, class, or political affiliation - but by their
patriotism and service to the people. Only a strong, capable state, not a
diminishing one, is required for our democracy. It is incumbent on the
political elites to respond constructively by seeking support for a capable state across opposing political blocs, and thereby reinforce the legitimacy of democracy.</p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
</p><p class="MsoNormal"><b>By Thamsanqa Mabandla, campaigner for people-centred
democracy and seasoned development practitioner</b>. </p><p class="MsoNormal"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;"><i><span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><b></b></span></span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><b><br /></b></span></span></i></div><i><span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><b><br /><br /></b></span></span></i><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;"><i><span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><b><br /><br /></b></span></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><br /><br /><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-73437773094207798152022-09-14T13:59:00.003+00:002022-09-15T05:39:34.041+00:00Encounters with Biko: Footsteps of a Giant<p><em></em></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><em><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDfkEeEb8mJmEOi9HMKUEuY9-sC9hsXyDzAZlv2cZUxqEQLqhslZMobr7pPTIIa2Bm9ldK6nzTsMTnuT8piReAkbaWY6HXbHyI6IrTirY9Rq0QFpeFxx8t76AmsJDYdRiD3MQU1KKbZlW5lw00kfuecnMCrwi4svAlihctF5AQDkAiJbXOeAztrGZQ/s585/Biko3%20(2).png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="106" data-original-width="585" height="91" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDfkEeEb8mJmEOi9HMKUEuY9-sC9hsXyDzAZlv2cZUxqEQLqhslZMobr7pPTIIa2Bm9ldK6nzTsMTnuT8piReAkbaWY6HXbHyI6IrTirY9Rq0QFpeFxx8t76AmsJDYdRiD3MQU1KKbZlW5lw00kfuecnMCrwi4svAlihctF5AQDkAiJbXOeAztrGZQ/w502-h91/Biko3%20(2).png" width="502" /></a></em></div><em><span style="font-size: 13.6px;"><p><em><span>Each year in September, South Africans find themselves in Biko Month. At such times, argues Glenn Farred, we should be vigilant, ready to spot the ritualized solemnity and the empty platitudes designed to hijack Biko's immense legacy by the very ones who trample on that legacy through their greed. and arrogance. Farred, a c</span></em><em><span>ivil society leader and a constant voice for active citizenship,</span></em><em><span><strong> </strong>is a guest contributor to this blog. By <b>GLENN FARRED</b></span></em> </p></span></em><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">As a young
activist, barely a teenager really, I had a strange encounter with a dead
person. It was memorable for being
discordant and in harmony, as the truth often is. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">My generation
was brought into active political life during the period of the tri-cameral
Parliament; the formation of the United Democratic Front in 1983; the uprisings
of 1985; culminating in the release of Mandela in 1990. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Often referred
to as a “lost generation”, it was distinct from previous generations, even from
the generation of ’76 or ‘81. So, for us, the leaders of the 1950s and ‘60s were
ancient, somewhat mythical people who belonged in the history books which we
would write. Victory, always certain, would be ours! </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Our impatience
was tempered by the reality that we were still led by old people on podiums, in
hiding, in exile and on “the Island”. Part of that process was the often enduring
lectures delivered, it appeared, completely randomly. Leaders seemed prone to
nostalgia and reminiscences and telling stories that could border on sentimentalism and hero worship. Parables to teach the young the deeds and the days of long-dead men or men longing not to be forgotten - we endured these digressions as
kindly as we could. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Quite literally,
sitting at their feet, in a backyard, or a cramped room, or worst of all, a
car, held captive until the lesson ended. On one such occasion, I was taken to a
specific spot in my township, the central point of transport and what passed
for commerce, with shops and even a bioscope.
With reverential silence, a spot was pointed out to me and we stood
there as if gazing upon some giant monument to a great glory or historic event.
As far as I could tell it was merely a piece of concrete, like any other around
it. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">But no! Here, I
was told, was the precise spot where Steven Bantu Biko had stood, his last
contact with <i><u>this place</u></i>,
before he stepped into a vehicle with his fellow traveller and companion, Peter
Cyril Jones, as they left Cape Town on that fateful trip which would end, via
murderous assault, in the back of a police van with Biko manacled, chained,
naked… and dead!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">A hushed but
steady torrent of words followed, and the face which told the story was
animated by something I had never really seen before: a kind of rapture, inner
joy, etched with pain and anger intermingled with cold determination and
unquestioning certainty of every word which it brought forth.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">This was, without doubt, a place of greatness – the last spot where a giant had stood!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">What was one to
make of this story? Whether it was apocryphal or not didn’t really matter. The
message was clear: we stand there because of Biko! Learn this; know this; feel
this; remember this!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">This in itself
was powerful but it was stranger given its context. Politics in this township was
dominated by two camps: Stalinist and Nationalist. That is to say, they were
Congress, divided only on matters of tactics and personality, not programme or
strategy. So the lesson came as a shock, as everyone knew Biko was not
Congress, and being wary of traps set for the uninitiated, it had to be treated
as a potential trick to get the unsuspecting to reveal ‘tendencies’ against ‘the
movement’. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">The deliverer of
the lecture was no gentle philosopher but a hard man in possession of an arms cache;
a soldier and fighter. A man to be feared as those weapons could just as easily
be pointed at comrades as they could ‘the system’. Treading carefully around
volatile people with guns was not paranoia but a necessary survival tool. But it
wasn’t a trick. Here was a Congress die-hard who was completely enthralled and
inspired – against all his own political training and interests – by one man who
for and to whom nothing but the greatest respect was demanded and given!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">This was a voice
from the generation of ’76 called into opposition to the Apartheid system as
part of our first truly national uprising, inspired to resist, not only in body
and soul, but with the most potent weapon forged in the history of struggle: the
consciousness of the oppressed! </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">The Gospel
According to Biko - this was the lesson! Death does not kill an idea. Death
cannot even kill a man. Biko Lives! </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">There is a poem,
or a fragment of a poem, recalled:</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">“If we seek to free<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">Yet fear to die<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">Let us honour those <o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">Who serve <o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">And ask not<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><i><span lang="EN-ZA">Why</span></i><span lang="EN-ZA">”</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">All who wish to attain freedom must liberate
themselves from the shackles of mental oppression and slavery. Many in the ANC
sort then, as they do now, to erase, diminish or co-opt Biko in order to
obscure his vision and his power. When we learn, again, to say with poetic
beauty and rage - “<i>What’s in this black
shit</i>”<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri","sans-serif"" lang="EN-ZA" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
- we begin to see ourselves as we truly are and
will be.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">When we tell the powerful to fuck off; when we rely
on only our own strength; when control our leaders and are not be controlled by
them; when we free ourselves from the farcical theatre and melodramas they
stage to distract us; when see our real enemies – only then can we be truly
free.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">To a great
extent, those who have misdirected us have succeeded, in part because of the
impotence of those who attempt to stake their claim over Biko’s legacy, as if
exercising exclusive rights to its meaning and purpose. Meanwhile, the
hypocrites, the ignorant, the anti-black opportunists, the liars and scoundrels
prosper and pretend to rule: a collective of arrogant, insatiable parasites
infesting every facet of public life, every institution and all spheres of
social discourse. Their greed and
villainy is matched only by their cowardice and fear.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">The wicked will
gather in ritualised solemnity to mock Biko once again this year. If you listen
carefully and look upon them with critical eyes you will see that behind their
masks the shadow of fear is creeping, for they know he is not dead and their
time grows short.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Biko’s legacy does
not belong to them… It belongs to us!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-ZA">Biko Lives!</span></p><p>
</p><div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-ZA"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri","sans-serif"" lang="EN-ZA" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-ZA"> </span>A reference to the
title of a famous Mongane Serote poem, “What’s in this Back Shit”. See <o:p></o:p><a href="https://live.fundza.mobi/home/library/non-fiction-books/amagama-enkululeko/poem-whats-in-this-black-shit-by-mongane-serote/">Poem: What’s in this Black ‘Shit’ by Mongane Serote | FunDza</a></p>
</div>
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-80068565804998650272022-04-28T06:59:00.016+00:002022-04-30T22:35:04.813+00:00On translation and her new book. Tadjo speaks<p><b><span style="font-family: inherit;"></span></b></p><b><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">.</span><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjo_McjJXezhfZoyF-a2UzteN0ygutFHK11a2Go_xivLgtjX3Xwt4Q25gfiE4khf_OPVNWN70wyygYTxIcJya665ItgL4yIeYnv1BRnp0T973iqcnlGWJJ0uT3SU-AQ47l0av9GbNbWBPUBjZkt4cHIqJ5RYkPC7UaMib8yBWxLzYSdsy0Pd2X_zv0i/s769/Veronique%20pic%202%20(3).png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="189" data-original-width="769" height="109" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjo_McjJXezhfZoyF-a2UzteN0ygutFHK11a2Go_xivLgtjX3Xwt4Q25gfiE4khf_OPVNWN70wyygYTxIcJya665ItgL4yIeYnv1BRnp0T973iqcnlGWJJ0uT3SU-AQ47l0av9GbNbWBPUBjZkt4cHIqJ5RYkPC7UaMib8yBWxLzYSdsy0Pd2X_zv0i/w445-h109/Veronique%20pic%202%20(3).png" width="445" /></a></div><br /> </span></b><div><b><span style="font-family: inherit;">Interview with author <span style="background-color: white; color: #181818; font-size: 10.5pt;">Véronique </span><span class="markm054awdrm" style="color: #181818; font-size: 10.5pt;">Tadjo:</span></span></b><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: What got
you interested in the area of translation where I know you have done some
cutting-edge work?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background: white; border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #181818; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; padding: 0in;">Véronique Tadjo</span><span lang="EN-GB">: It is, firstly, linked to personal circumstances;
it’s also because I am interested in the Anglophone world in general and in
Anglophone Africa in particular. I’ve lived in different countries: Nigeria,
Kenya and South Africa (for 14 years), so of course, I am interested in seeing
my books translated into English, in order to continue the conversation.
I wouldn’t be happy without English, although French is my mother tongue. I
work in both languages.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: What is
the role of translation in a polyglot context such as ours (South Africa?)<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT: I am
still amazed that you have eleven official languages. It’s such an incredible
example for many countries. I know that on the ground it's is not that easy ...
and that some languages are dominant. But the mere fact of making that decision
at the national level is extraordinary. It is the recognition of the linguistic
diversity of the country. That’s vitally important.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">I can see
that the dominant languages are English, Afrikaans, Zulu and Xhosa. It is all
about the number of people speaking a language. Another element that is a
determinant is the allocation of resources – the fact of having a whole
structure and funding behind the chosen languages. Languages are expensive to
keep alive; so you need real political vision and the will to maintain those
languages in a written form as well. Sure people continue to speak their
languages. But if you want to give equal status to all the 11 official languages then you should be putting a lot
of money behind those languages. They need books, pedagogical material and all
sorts of other components -- including a commercially viable publishing
industry to back them. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: In our
transition, what interests me is the route we took with respect to the
different languages and their position in relation to each other. For example,
we didn't use our national broadcaster more aggressively to advance marginalised
languages nor did we use it to introduce people of dominant language groups
(Afrikaans and English) to other official languages. We took
the softer route. Any comment on that? <o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT:
Something we forget is the economic dimension of languages. It’s obvious that
they cost money. It is one thing to
declare that you have eleven official languages, but it’s another story to
invest some money in them. And that is the problem. Radio could have helped a
lot in terms of promoting those languages while waiting for a written culture to
develop. You could say that SA was too ambitious in choosing so many official
languages. Maybe four could have been more manageable. But then, it soon becomes
a political issue. You can see this in many other African countries. To respect linguistic diversity is indeed a
political and economic issue.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Q: What can
a writers' magazine like <i>Calabash </i>and publishing linked to our new national writers’
organisation do in terms of linguistic diversity? The <i>Calabash</i> journal’s first
edition had a balance similar to that of Staffrider in the sense that most
submissions were in English. What can it do in terms of using translation and
other aspects of multilingualism?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT: I think
you just have to continue to put the emphasis on linguistic diversity. There is
no other way. It must be consistent. You might feel that there isn’t a
resonance – or that people are not getting it but with time it will happen.
Calabash magazine needs to be bilingual – translating indigenous languages into
English and vice versa. There’s another issue which bothers me a lot.
Translating is not enough in itself; you need quality translators. Sometimes,
we think that just because someone can speak a language, he or she can
translate. This is not true. I fear that this side is not always properly taken
care of. The quality of translation is very important. As a writer, there’s
nothing that I fear more than a bad translation because it will leave readers
with the feeling that I can’t write. As an organization, you have to work with
a pool of translators you can trust – people who have a mastery of the
different levels of a given language.
For example, there are some translators who can master classic Zulu, the
way older people like to hear it. Then there are those who can render the
flavour of “urban” Zulu, a language that borrows new words all the time. This
is something to take into account: at which level do you want to pitch your
translation? If you can’t find someone who can satisfy your requirements, it is
better not to do it, as it will be a disservice to authors.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: What can
publishers do (that is, start doing or do more of) to address the challenge of diverse and
interrelated language needs and requirements?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT: As I
indicated earlier, this is not typical to South Africa. Your question is also
relevant to the rest of Africa. In many countries, it has not been solved yet.
Again, governments should provide more money for the promotion of translation.
Translators require remuneration. It’s not reasonable to ask publishers to bear
the whole burden of this issue. At the pan-African level, why doesn’t the
African Union have a department geared to providing financial support for
translation? In a way, it’s a highly emotional issue. Yet we need to look at it
with clear-sighted objectives.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: National
Writers Association of South Africa (NWASA) will be an integral part of the Pan
African Writers Association, opening up further possibilities for dialogue and
engagement. If a South African writer wishes to learn a language to communicate
better with writers in the rest of the continent, which languages should they
consider first?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT: You may
hate me for this but let me suggest French and Swahili. Swahili, because it is
widely spoken on the continent even if there are variants. And French because
at the end of the day, people do speak it in large numbers on the continent. It
has become “a language of Africa”. In Côte d’Ivoire, we have several “French”.
We have our own French that is spoken in the streets. It is similar to the
pidgin in Nigeria and Liberia. Then you have the French that educated people
use. The two forms one linguistic sphere. So, coming from SA, apart from
English, you would need French (but let’s not forget Portuguese) and a big
language like Swahili.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: It’s
interesting that in South Africa recently the Minister of Sports, Arts and
Culture, on a national news channel, emphasized the importance of learning
Swahili and indicated that his ministry would be encouraging that. Let’s move
on to focus on <i>In the Company of Men</i>
which was released in 2017 in French; translated into English in 2021. What
inspired you to choose the subject matter and theme; a focus that turned out to
be so prescient in terms of the parallels between Covid-19 and Ebola.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT: The
Ebola epidemic started at the end of December 2013, although many cite the start
as January 2014. It spread in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone. It lasted until
2016. It was intense, traumatic and attached to a great deal of stigma
concerning Africa. During much of that
time, I was in Johannesburg and teaching at Wits University. So I was following
it from South Africa. As I am originally from Côte d'Ivoire – I was really,
really worried that the disease would come to the whole of the West African
region. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span lang="EN-GB">Côte
d’Ivoire shares a border with Guinea in the north and with Liberia in the west.
So the fear was real, people were saying: “It’s going to come; it’s going to
come!” Everyone was tense. I was worried about my family and friends. As a
consequence, I followed the story closely. You see, at times, the more you are
far away from home, the more you worry; you start thinking all sorts of terrible things because
you are not there. That is partly why I started researching and trying to find
as much information as I could on the Ebola epidemic. I was at the right place at Wits University
because conferences on the subject were held and there is also a good Science
department. Moreover, SA doctors went to
Liberia and Sierra Leone. There was an abundance of information and I kept digging.
However, when the epidemic was officially declared “over”, a complete blanket
silence fell on the region. It was like this thing never happened. After the
intense media coverage … nothing! It felt strange, “Did it happen, did it not
happen?” Why as Africans were we not talking about what had happened? I didn’t
like the way</span><span lang="EN-ZA">Ebola had been treated as an <i>African</i>
disease</span><span lang="EN-GB">. I thought
it was terrible. This was the worst stigma that could affect the continent. I
had the urge to reclaim the story. There was much more to say, much more than
what we had been shown on the television and told in the press. I wanted – in one sense – to break the
silence; to express in a different way how the events unfolded.I was also
motivated by a sense that Ebola in West Africa wasn’t a once-off. There had been
smaller-scale epidemics in DRC since 1975 when the virus was discovered. The
whole thing needed to be viewed in the broader context of an environmental
crisis. An epidemic doesn’t just come down from the sky. Very often it’s due to
various circumstances. I thought it was important to talk about that as well.</span><span lang="EN-ZA"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: That
gives a good background. How did you get to adopt the title, <i>In the Company of Men</i>?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">It is
understood better in the text. At some point in the narrative, I talk about bats
and how when they lose their territory, their habitat, because of
deforestation, they tend to come closer to human beings. And therefore they
seek the company of men. The title refers to men with a capital M, meaning all
human beings. It also refers to the fact that non-humans are looking at us and
observing our behaviour. We are not separate from them anymore. Men are in the
company of animals and animals are in the company of human beings. It’s a more
holistic view of the world.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: I also
note that the wholeness is extended to nature. I note you bring in the idea of
the tree as a character; the baobab tree, which speaks.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Yes, I really
wanted to bring in the ecological dimension. You cannot understand Ebola – and
to a certain extent Covid-19 – if you don’t bring in the environmental issue. Unfortunately,
we tend to separate the two. We put Covid-19 on one side and then ask … should
we talk about the ecological crisis/climate change? No-one really wants to put
them together because then, it’s ten times scarier.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: In the
book, you make use of a range of devices: snapshots; portraits, magic realism, a combination of history and poetry and the inclusion of a sense of testimony to
powerful effect? Have you made use of this set of devices in previous works?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Yes, I’ve
always written like that. It’s a tendency that I have because I am trying not
to tell a story in a linear way but rather to show different facets. That’s how
we function in life. We have so many things happening at the same time in our
heads. In fact, it’s a “fiction” to think that a story can be told from
beginning to end like a river flowing in one direction. We live among people;
people tell us things. We listen to what they have to say and it influences us.
You can never get a full grasp of what is happening around you unless you
acknowledge different points of view.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: How was
the French version (first edition) of <i>In the Company of Men</i> received? Do you
have sense of numbers distribution and what else can you tell is about the response
to it?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">I don’t have
numbers off the top of my head. I know that the book was well received. What I
am pleased about is that, because of the situation with Covid-19, there has
been a renewed interest. It is only now that the book is going to be published
in Francophone Africa first, and then in Anglophone Africa. I’m a bit
disappointed that some people asked why I wanted to tell a story that had been
such a stain on the continent. My response to them was: “Don’t you want to tell
your own story in your own words? I think people have now come to realize that
Ebola was hiding another story. If you had immersed yourself in the crisis at
the time, you would have understood that something else was bound to come<a name="_GoBack"></a> up. Given the way we live, we have made ourselves
vulnerable to many diseases. Let’s face it, in Africa, malaria, tuberculosis,
HIV/Aids, and many other diseases are endemic. So, health should become the
priority of priorities. We have to address and understand that because it says
volumes about the state of governance. If you can’t protect your population, then
there is something seriously wrong.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: On
writing for children, can I ask your views on the significance of that category
of writing and whether you are continuing your work in that sphere?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT: Yes I am
continuing with children’s writing. I like it a lot and I believe that it is
the foundation of African literature. Many say very casually that on the
continent, people don’t read … you can’t get people to sit down and read. But
they fail to acknowledge that an important base is missing, that is, providing
children with books in which there are stories they can identify with; stories
they can grow up with. You can’t be deprived of books when you are young and then
– almost like a miracle – when you grow up, have this deep interest in
literature.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: That’s
an important area. And I would hope that, as a writers’ organisation, the National
Writers Association of South Africa (NWASA) will continue to place emphasis on
literature for children.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT. But, you
know, literature for children has been undervalued for a long time, often being
seen as a sub-literature genre. There is the view that anyone can be a writer
for children. That is a fallacy. It’s very demanding. You have to work on
language and find new imagery; new ways of saying things. You have to find
topics relevant to the youth. Furthermore, when we talk of 'Literature for
young people', we tend to forget that it spans several age groups – from
toddlers to teenagers all the way to pre-adults. It’s very diverse. That’s why
many writers specialize in one particular age group. It’s not uncommon to find
an author who can create for five year old children but who is not at ease with an older group and
vice versa. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: So there
are many needs in that range, and they are not being sufficiently addressed.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT: The way
I see it, there is a huge potential and many good things coming out of
literature for young people in Africa. We have a very big opportunity to be
extremely original in both the illustrations and the content. Because, with the
novel, we tend to copy and emulate the conventional Western genre of what a
novel should be. But if you take
literature for young people, paradoxically, because it’s been overlooked,
there’s a lot of freedom in terms of creativity and form. This should be
encouraged. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM. Has any
publisher been identified to release or distribute the English version in South
Africa?<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The distribution
of <i>In the Company of Men </i>in South
Africa should not be too much of a problem. In terms of publishing, there is an interest, and it needs to be confirmed.*<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">FM: Thank
you. Great to be discussing the two topics, <i>In the Company of Men</i> and the challenge and opportunity of translation in both directions – into
indigenous languages and for writers of indigenous languages to share their work
in the lingua franca.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p><span class="markm054awdrm" style="color: #181818; font-size: 10.5pt;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">
</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: inherit;">VT: Thank
you. I’ve appreciated and greatly enjoyed this discussion.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Biographical information:<br />Veronique Tadjo is a Francophone African writer who has published in a variety of genres, including short stories, poetry, novels, and children's literature. A painter as well, Tadjo often illustrates her children's books and has exhibited her artwork in solo and group exhibitions. Among her writings that have been translated into English are the novel A vol d'oiseau (1986; As the Crow Flies) and L'Ombre d'Imana (2000; The Shadow of Imana), about the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. In 2005 Tadjo was awarded the prestigious Grand Prix Littéraire de l'Afrique Noire (The Grand Prize for African Literature) for Reine Pokou (2005; Queen Pokou), a novel about the legend of the mythical Queen Pokou and the establishment of the Baoulé kingdom, in present-day Côte d'Ivoire. In 1993 she became a full-time writer. She has conducted workshops on such topics as literature for African youth and the illustrating of children's books. In 2000 and 2001 she served as a judge for the Caine Prize for African Writing.</span></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;">* <i>In The Company of Men</i> has been released in South Africa (March 2022) by Jacana Media. The book can be found <b><a href="https://jacana.co.za/product/in-the-company-of-men/">here</a></b>.</p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;">** This interview, in a slightly abbreviated form, first appeared in <i>Calabash</i> literary journal, Sept. 2021.</p><span face=""Calibri","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiw-3TrrEaE9lOE1iGiS0j6-wWmbkmiizvbo9Zy-hOjDdZNIGHmteIxyzaJJqp7bjUgohEl5NVPYhrCHmavofK3OjQWNH7_1Fm7Sdc1xP1ryVtODJf1HiiZ8dgNe8Xdy5Rp4z2PsTEyBSeWDZW0Bz4XsSvdj5F45LFgufnhcy0gu5-XGehKS1K5EX8U/s769/Veronique%20pic%202%20(3).png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="189" data-original-width="769" height="79" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiw-3TrrEaE9lOE1iGiS0j6-wWmbkmiizvbo9Zy-hOjDdZNIGHmteIxyzaJJqp7bjUgohEl5NVPYhrCHmavofK3OjQWNH7_1Fm7Sdc1xP1ryVtODJf1HiiZ8dgNe8Xdy5Rp4z2PsTEyBSeWDZW0Bz4XsSvdj5F45LFgufnhcy0gu5-XGehKS1K5EX8U/s320/Veronique%20pic%202%20(3).png" width="320" /></a></div><br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-22926977778553085452020-06-24T13:05:00.006+00:002020-06-26T06:39:57.668+00:00Narrating SA's transition: unresolved issues and euphoria<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Gladys Ryan has produced this account of South Africa's exciting and fraught transition. In this piece, I provide some details and perspective of the changes and its effect on where South Africa is today<br /><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><a data-lynx-mode="hover" data-lynx-uri="https://l.facebook.com/l.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fyoutu.be%2FYq6rT5Zmja4%3Ffbclid%3DIwAR1QxbmUr9N1XH5nsk7nR4y79BpxMuosqVsABFqXS2zEnf4qFL6dAqYwB3I&h=AT0dSh3ZQ4sQKWH54yUziAFEF8yDD_5MjuZ5nFQyTHoXPbVsyo2p_HCaJDi5deV84EdatblLUxePyb8EhOH2z6DTwYEwyXplraQYcZZeCt2j4RGFl9xgZnoIXamyPYqJ9wVwtg" href="https://youtu.be/Yq6rT5Zmja4" rel="nofollow" style="background-color: #f1f0f0; color: #385898; cursor: pointer; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; text-decoration-line: none; white-space: pre-wrap;" target="_blank">https://youtu.be/Yq6rT5Zmja4</a></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<b style="background-color: white; font-family: verdana, geneva, arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px;"><br /></b>
Thanks<br />
<br />
Frank</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-67848647046131006092018-08-30T08:22:00.001+00:002018-08-30T08:22:38.556+00:00The role of arts in transformation<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
What role does the arts play in social transformation? In what ways does it contribute to peace, development and social justice? These issues are explored in the book Changing our World; Art as Transformative Practice edited by Michelle le Baron and Janis Sarra.<br />
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGn-_PWch2MhpjPFvMBdjjchRO60V_K0NcVX9XfKnXQUGqtQP5R7IY_X0h_DFJlQCBX1fpke7b_61eW1XLTmivT4PCaZjqmtI_SWl8LbW5-C6tZfSK1U5w53MGUShDmLcCKTEn6u8Hx7U/s1600/book+Changing+Our+Worlds+%25282%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1600" data-original-width="1147" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGn-_PWch2MhpjPFvMBdjjchRO60V_K0NcVX9XfKnXQUGqtQP5R7IY_X0h_DFJlQCBX1fpke7b_61eW1XLTmivT4PCaZjqmtI_SWl8LbW5-C6tZfSK1U5w53MGUShDmLcCKTEn6u8Hx7U/s320/book+Changing+Our+Worlds+%25282%2529.jpg" width="229" /></a></div>
<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="line-height: 115%;">This book, among other things, endeavours to break new
ground. It coins the term TAP (for 'transformative arts practice') and refers
to TAP practitioners. A question that arises is whether TAP practitioners
identify as such </span><span style="font-family: Symbol; line-height: 115%;">-</span><span style="line-height: 115%;"> whether for example the
late Hugh Masekela would have viewed himself as a TAP practitioner. Since the
label is new, most likely not. But if TAP was considered in terms of its
essence, many on all continents would align with it, the book argues, and many would
likely see themselves as part of the project of fostering the arts as
transformative practice. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="line-height: 115%;">In my small contribution to the book, I worked on 'how to
build a TAP field', so such questions came up. A field is when organisations
and individuals see themselves as some kind of 'community' working together to
solve problems and develop certain shared practices. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="line-height: 115%;">The theory aside, it is worth mentioning two other points
here. The first is that arts practitioners who acknowledged that art had a role
in the fight against apartheid were much more connected and coordinated in the
pre-1994 period. They worked together in and across disciplines, and, for example,
made their mark in creating pathways for emerging artists from oppressed
communities to emerge and feel supported. The current period, by comparison, is
marked by fragmentation and dislocation. So, we may ask: 'what's to be done?' -
a question addressed in the exploration of how to build a field. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="line-height: 115%;">The second additional point is that in this book we put our
heads on the block and link TAP in a fundamental way to Ubuntu. By using the
word transformative, "(o)ur focus is on those (practices) that have embedded
within them a set of values summed up here as Ubuntu and the goals of enhancing
social and economic fairness and reciprocal belonging". In this regard,
when we were working on the book, one of the authors, Kitche Magak, often noted
that ubuntu was both African and universal </span><span style="font-family: Symbol; line-height: 115%;">-</span><span style="line-height: 115%;"> although
we acknowledge Africa as the labeler and a place where many practice it more
consciously, the call of Ubuntu has relevance and application the world over.
Magak (in his chapter) stresses the 'humanising capacity of the arts'. And in a
summary of one of our workshop discussions (made possible by Stellenbosch
University), he noted that "(h)umanising arts challenges, confronts and
contradicts dehumanising dominant ideology". I hope this gives some feel
of the content/contents of the book.<span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />
<i>The book is published by African Sun Media and Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Studies (STIAS).</i><br />
<br /></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-21944768887199995082018-01-25T13:41:00.000+00:002018-01-26T14:18:43.807+00:00Mandela, violence and prospects for deepening democracy in SA<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Nelson Mandela had a nuanced position on violence. On the one hand, he led an armed struggle against apartheid; on the other hand, based on his leadership conduct in later life, he won the Nobel Peace Prize.<br />
<br />
In this article, I grapple with this <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">–</span> less to find a solution to the conundrum than to throw light on strategies for deepening democracy in SA: <a href="https://tinyurl.com/ybvrlqpa">https://tinyurl.com/ybvrlqpa</a> .<br />
<br />
Frank Meintjies<br />
<b style="background-color: white; font-family: Verdana, Geneva, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px;"><br /></b>
<b style="background-color: white; font-family: Verdana, Geneva, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px;"><br /></b></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-92068454572828057562016-09-04T09:17:00.003+00:002016-09-11T14:15:32.911+00:00CITES 2016 – Africa's lions need your support<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_d1RDblnaMevTKuSRGlX0DV_A1iaJhWMuhOR7bTsdMWxHGNFZNAuRFCpT7BTcSJhFdfxHmZcloLC3HBb0udaejCYTN6Kt2pY4E5OHEs7U-snjMuQXQxdv1-seALJRjXTgZ-OozuBkIBE/s1600/Lion+by+johnny_automatic.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="235" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_d1RDblnaMevTKuSRGlX0DV_A1iaJhWMuhOR7bTsdMWxHGNFZNAuRFCpT7BTcSJhFdfxHmZcloLC3HBb0udaejCYTN6Kt2pY4E5OHEs7U-snjMuQXQxdv1-seALJRjXTgZ-OozuBkIBE/s320/Lion+by+johnny_automatic.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">The situation of lions mirrors in so many ways the position
of animals more generally in this over-industrialised world. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">We think of the mighty lion as king or queen of the jungle
and as an iconic role player in the food chain. We savour the lion's presence
in our subconscious, in our dreams and in the imagination of children. But the
reality is grim and bleak: the lion is
often held captive, kept for breeding, used in canned hunting, poached and has its
body parts transported by operators along smuggling routes. Cubs are often taken away, used for zoo petting and raised to be
similarly killed for financial gain.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">This year the issues come to a head with the United Nations'
CITES conference in South Africa at the end of September and the IUCN
conference in Hawai. The latter conference focuses on "conservation "
and achievement of the sustainable development goals, with a dominant focus on
climate change. But it may also present an important platform, especially since
the IUCN (according to a list it released in 2014) noted that the African lion
populations have experienced an overall decline of 43 per cent between 1993 and
2014. The CITES conference will look at the issues of "trade"
and "endangered species" -- as such, it allows for the issue of
lions to be raised more pertinently and forcefully. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">These multinational spaces concerned with "lists"
of which animals are <b><i>threatened</i></b> with extinction and which
are <b><i>endangered</i></b>
themselves pose problems to those concerned about the position of the lion. In
such forums, the pro "regulated trade" and "regulated hunting"
lobby groups are powerful. Based on their successes in terms of breeding in captivity,
they argue strongly for regulated trade. They have a yearning for animals to be
taken off the threatened list. They assert that regulated trade would be good for species
protection. However, many of us who have a deep concern for Africa's lions refuse
to accept that industrialisation of lions (valuing lions in the main for the
hunter's gun and because body parts can be used as trophies and aphrodisiacs)
is the way to go.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">On the other hand, ten African countries have called for the
strongest protection under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species
(CITES). They have submitted a proposal to transfer all populations of the
African lion from CITES Appendix II to Appendix I, according to the
organisation Annamaticus which fights to
stop the economic exploitation of endangered species.<b> </b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Annamaticus states: "The African lion (<i>Panthera leo</i>) has been listed in CITES
Appendix II since 1977. However, this mechanism for regulating trade has been
poorly implemented for nearly four decades. Appendix II has proven insufficient
to halt the precipitous decline of lion populations and the Appendix I listing
is long overdue.“</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">The situation of white lions represent a matter of specific
concern. Most members of the public don't realise the precarious and untenable
position of white lions. That is because they see them on game farms and in
zoos. But there are only 12 white lions in the wild; the rest are in captivity.
The critical position of the white lion, however, is often masked because CITES
categorises them together with tawny lions.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Against this back background, Linda Tucker and her Global
White Lion Protection Trust, has launched the One United Roar (O.U.R.)
campaign. This campaign (details <a href="http://oneunitedroar.org/">here</a>) involves young people from all over the world to
highlight the perspective of the lion itself in these debates and discussions. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">The campaign involved getting children to upload a simply
made video on to the trust's website. Through a combination of public
participation and assessment by judges six videos that are most emblematic of
the issues at stake. The 6 children will be given an opportunity to visit the
white lion territory near Hoedspruit and be given further opportunities to send
their message to policymakers. Tucker is on record as saying that with O.U.R.
she wants to take the campaign to a visceral level. The aims is </span><span style="font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif;">–</span><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"> in addition
to the rational arguments to properly protect the lions </span><span style="font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif;">–</span><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"> </span><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">to get policymakers to hear the message as
coming from the hearts of children and in turn to engage from a deeper level of
consciousness.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">(Lion image by johnny_automatic)</span></div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-86147106994191961282016-08-22T06:38:00.002+00:002016-08-22T19:46:30.264+00:00Poem in honour of Elaine Rosa Salo<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Elaine Salo, who passed away on 13 August 2016, lived a full and dynamic life. She made a huge intellectual contribution and simultaneously built communities of friendship, practice and deep personal connection with a wide variety of people.<br />
<br />
Read my poem in her honour at <a href="http://frankbeat.blogspot.co.za/2016/08/legacy.html">http://frankbeat.blogspot.co.za/2016/08/legacy.html</a> .<br />
<br />
<i>Frank Meintjies</i></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-2186820003800579472016-05-15T12:52:00.000+00:002016-05-15T12:57:06.080+00:00Katlehong Arts Centre - a journey filled with challenges and great achievements<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
The Katlehong Arts Centre played a critical role as a community arts centre over three decades from the mid-70s.<br />
<br />
Despite turbulence, institutional tension and, at times, ambiguous political positioning, it made outstanding contributions on many fronts.<br />
<br />
Read my full account here: <b><span style="background: white; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 9.5pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="http://tinyurl.com/jbcckg9">http://tinyurl.com/jbcckg9</a><br /></span></b><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-2527823024130470212015-09-15T10:05:00.000+00:002015-09-16T13:29:35.521+00:00Development & effective delivery requires cooperation between social partners<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">Government should be doing more to enrol civil society as it
struggles to overcome massive backlogs and a surge of new demands for delivery
of services.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">Government policy frameworks and the constitution require
that government meets a wide range of basic human needs or – if it cannot do so
immediately – produce plans for their progressive realisation. In addition to
socio-economic services, government also has the obligation to ensure access to
justice, community participation in shaping society and the effective
functioning of democratic systems. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">In a developing country context, it is a heavy load for
government to carry, even if government was working well on all fronts.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">Civil society organisations such as NGOs and CBOs represent
a national resource. They are as much a part of South African fabric as the new
government, and in their work and existence preceded the democratic government.
Most want to see changes in people’s lives – and are prepared to work to bring
it about. They can play a bigger role in advancing development objectives.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">There are those on opposite ends of the spectrum who will
not be in favour of government and civil society organisations (CSOs) working
together to realise development objectives. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">Conservative forces within government would advise
government and the ruling party to stay clear of CSOs. Government is in charge
and should just press ahead, working directly with communities. In the spirit
of a strong and developmental state, government should just go ahead and implement
as it sees fit, or so that view goes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">Leftwingers would argue that any collaboration with
government would be “doing the work of government”. It would be supporting the right
wing ideology that argues that the state should play a smaller role in national
development. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">But the truth lies somewhere in the middle. Problems in development
countries are huge but headway can be made if sectors work to find common
ground. Furthermore, the constitution, in its understanding of governance, envisages
that we all combine our efforts to achieve developmental objectives.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">Government
spokespersons will no doubt enumerate their own requirements for partnering.
However in my engagement with CSOs, they emphasize the following about
partnership:</span><br />
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li>Collaboration should not be premised on
the idea that CSOs must give up their voice and right to undertake advocacy. In
fact, governance could benefit if there was more proactive and critical feedback
from CSOs rather than eruptions of grassroots protests that sometimes turn
violent.</li>
<li>There should be an acceptance that CSOs
have different strategies and that a CSO may use different strategies at
different times. CSOs acknowledge that government is not monolithic and one
government department may be more open to collaboration on projects while
another may be hostile to the idea of co-operation.</li>
<li>Some CSOs desire no role in
implementation; preferring to focus on advocacy and campaigns. For example
Equal Education, although it is involved in establishing libraries in schools,
puts the emphasis on campaigns. NGOs that adopt such positions should be
respected and form a vital part of civil society.</li>
<li>For CSOs, there are many ways to
collaborate beyond being entangled in implementation; CSOs can assume roles in
monitoring, in data gathering and research, in programme formulation and as
participants in oversight bodies set up by departments.'</li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">Of course, relationships will not always be plain sailing.
In a society plagued by race and class conflict and where fierce intra-party
and inter-party rivalries coexist with daily community protests, CSOs and
government will also have tense standoffs. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">Nonetheless, there are many areas in which specific
government departments and CSOs can work together – or increase collaboration –
as partners to find solutions and advance objectives set out in the Freedom
Charter. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">We can draw lessons from, and possibly expand on, interesting
examples of collaboration such as these:</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">– The Department of Labour in some provinces engages
community-based advice offices to ensure workers get access to information and
assistance related to labour rights.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">– The Department of Social Development and its provincial
counterparts works with CBOs to roll out victim empowerment services to those
affected by rape and domestic violence. (Sadly, however, government keeps slicing away at NPO funding for critical activities such as post-rape services while government's own unit costs for such service continues to climb).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">– During the recent xenophobic violence in Durban, NGOs and
government had to work together in providing relief. Many NGOs were first on
the scene and spent days and nights working to provide assistance to victims. Furthermore,
government must work through CSOs in rolling out community-level campaigns to raise
consciousness and counter xenophobia.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">– NGOs and some units based at universities play a sterling
role alongside CBOs supporting farmworker struggles and providing information
about labour and tenure rights.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">– In health, the Treatment Action Campaign plays a role in
monitoring services to people living with HIV and Aids. The Black Sash is
similarly is engaged in a joint programme with national government to monitor
service delivery at provincial levels. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">Outside of collaboration on specific programmes and issues, our
constitution envisages a broader interdependency between CSOs and government. Civil society organisations should for example have a voice in national discussions on key policy issues
and future direction, in the same way that trade unions and the private sector
do. This could be done through apex organisations (network bodies) supplemented by good representation of organisations that directly represent the views and spirit of the grassroots. In this regard, there are huge gaps partly based on dismissive attitudes in many parts of government and on fragmentation and the scarcity of strong networks within civil society.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">The need for such strategic-level engagement must be
addressed, even as attention is paid to gaps in partnership at local and
provincial levels.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-59148946422710533162015-09-12T19:20:00.000+00:002015-09-15T09:47:05.048+00:00New poetry book launched: Unfettered Days<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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I make a contribution to Book Week
2015 by launching my poetry book, <i>Unfettered
Days</i>. In this work, I continue to grapple with private and public concerns and to foster deeper understandings by trying to grasp truth and understanding by examining of the particular.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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In the book's afterword, poet and cultural
commentator Lisa Combrinck notes that the poetry’s strength lies in “seemingly
insignificant observations” that “provide
the reader with an intimacy that leaves an unease yet also, strange as it may
seem, a feeling of deep fulfillment.” She also writes that: “The small
revelations are what give the poetry great inner strength and significance”. Read all of Combrinck's comments in the <b>afterword</b> here: <b><span style="background: white; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 9.5pt; line-height: 107%;"><a href="http://tinyurl.com/o9uqg8w">http://tinyurl.com/o9uqg8w</a> .</span></b><br />
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<b><span style="background: white; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 9.5pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<i>Unfettered Days</i> contains poems
about jazz music, the landscapes of childhood, the fluid nature of memory, images of nature and the
connections between urban and rural spaces.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
Copies of the book can be obtained
through the Melville branch of Bookdealers <span style="font-size: x-small;">(www.bookdealers.co.za).</span><br />
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<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i>Frank Meintjies</i></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmLedKPw9Va5gml_DcDdNyQ3tLtNH_VSrJlQjyLk0tYmioEt07kERk4eXz72RkJR5Rjp1LGeSewwViq4epk5uk75hEsE61phFd1EoVPXeeJaLzjXWJD-N3lxO4CUSDFQWXZXvmj3snqg4/s1600/Unfettered+Days.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmLedKPw9Va5gml_DcDdNyQ3tLtNH_VSrJlQjyLk0tYmioEt07kERk4eXz72RkJR5Rjp1LGeSewwViq4epk5uk75hEsE61phFd1EoVPXeeJaLzjXWJD-N3lxO4CUSDFQWXZXvmj3snqg4/s320/Unfettered+Days.png" width="211" /></a></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-16398730180549488362015-06-14T14:32:00.001+00:002023-08-31T19:30:49.578+00:00Sharp criticism levelled at SA's book industry and its bias against black writing<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.15pt; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">The issue of the literary
system and the bias against black writers has been in the spotlight since
the Franschoek Literary Fair in May. It was again the subject of intense
discussion at Wits University on 9 May when Thando Mgqolozana, Siphiwo Mahala
and others took part in a panel discussion. The event was organised by Jacana
and was presented under the heading, 'Decolonising the Literary Landscape'.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">Mgqolozana told the meeting
that, after seven years, he was tired of working towards acceptance by the
establishment. Referring to a comment by another speaker that it was important
for blacks to attend these festivals, he said he hated hearing the words, "We need you". He said by putting them (black writers) on the programme, the
organisers were creating a space for "performance of black
rage". </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">He also argued that black
people "do read" and that it should be recognised that every book
purchased by a black person was read by many people. The problem was a lack of
access "to reading material". Most bookstores were in white areas, and the
only one in a black area -- at Maponya Mall -- had closed down because the
offering too closely resembled what was sold at, for example, Sandton branches of the same
bookstore. In addition, books were expensive when seen in relation to average
household income.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">Mgqolozana called for reading
to be viewed as a basic need and for government to scrap VAT on the sale of
books.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">Mgqolozana said he hoped to
break away from discussing white people and how they responded. It was
much more important to "ïmagine an alternative book industry".
Although he would not attend any more festivals, for now, he had no option but
to still rely on white-controlled publishing houses and bookstores. </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">Writer and Department of Arts
and Culture official Mahala said he decided in 2011 to stop attending events
like the Franschhoek Literary Festival. He described Franschhoek as an<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>initiative set up by private
individuals linked to the white establishment who then invited black writers
because they "needed black monkeys to entertain them". Mahala
deplored the fact that all aspects of the publishing business –</span> <span face=""arial" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">from editing to sales to
reviews – were under white control.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">During the discussion, many audience
members prefaced their comments with the words "I am angry". Several
of the young black audience members lambasted another speaker, Corina van der
Spoel of Wits University, for stating that, due to the damage caused by
apartheid, blacks do not read and that the black elite should buy more books.
The audience members argued that it was not her place to make such remarks.
"I use my money to buy books and I have been doing so since high
school", an audience member, a student, said, adding that as far as he knew, young white
people also needed to be encouraged to read.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">Van der Spoel's input
generated repartee from the young black audience. At one stage,
van der Spoel asked, "Where is the Huisgenoot for the black
community?" to which audience members shouted, "Bona, Bona!"</span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">In discussions such as these,
of course, defining the problem is easier than finding solutions.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">One of the audience members,
Allan Horwitz of Botsotso Publishing, tried to provide a different perspective.
He argued that the problem was the capitalist system and that socialist
approaches were needed. In his view, the democratic government should do
more to curb the profit motive in the book publishing and distribution system.
He also called on Government to make sure libraries held books of local writers
and hosted regular events where writers could discuss their work with community
members.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">Some in the audience strongly
favoured "blacks only" literary festivals (although Mahala spoke out
against this). Mgqolozana wondered whether writers should release and sell
their work chapter by chapter, which would make literature works easier to buy. Speaking
from the audience, academic Pumla Gqola argued that greater use should be made
of alternative distribution strategies, making use of new communications
technologies which put more power in the hands of citizens. She also reminded
people of how kwaito music emerged outside the formal system of music
production and distribution. New music releases were sold from the boots of cars and through other informal ways,</span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444;">The panel
discussion leaves many more questions than answers. On the one hand, there
appears to be wide agreement that, 20 years on, the publishing industry has
made too little progress in terms of transformation. On the other hand, it is unclear
who will lead a new push for fundamental changes. It remains to be seen
which institutions or coalitions of organisations will step up to drive a new
agenda of radical change in the publishing industry.</span><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<u1:p></u1:p>
<br />
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<o:p>Frank Meintjies</o:p></div>
</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-22299662632614221262015-05-18T10:34:00.002+00:002022-02-23T16:28:30.515+00:00The evil that men boast about & issues of accountabilty<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span lang="EN-GB">Alistair Sparks’ Verwoerdian slip gives me
an opportunity to pick up on the issues of accountability, including
accountability for our apartheid past.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Evil people know what they are doing.
Indirectly, Sparks draws attention to how intentional and bloody-minded
the architects and key implementers of apartheid were. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">And so they must be held accountable. They
must face judgment; they must be subjected to a process where all is laid bare
and clear findings are made about their deeds. Even though ‘tactics of
transition’ and political considerations may in the end influence the actual
punishment, they must be made to answer in public for the system they imposed.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">My take is that Sparks’ action in praising
Verwoerd was not an accident. He is clever enough to know what the fallout
would be, but I don’t think he could stop himself. He was venting his
bitterness or what talk show host Hajra Omarjee called “his hostility towards
the ANC”. But in doing so, he became less careful, artful or gaurded about his attitudes and consciousness regarding a thoroughly dehumanising and violent system.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">His comments also reflect a general sense of disengagement from black people.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Sparks has done us a favour. He has reminded
us that black people – together with ardent democrats and anti-racists from
other groups – are sometimes and in some senses on their own. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In this regard, it cannot be taken for
granted that everyone who happens to be liberal understands the depths of
apartheid. It cannot be assumed that, at some points, those of liberal bent do
not dismiss or miss the utter seriousness of what happened.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">This is not about blame. If I were born into
a white and 'liberal' context, I would be in the same boat – unless I proactively opened
myself to authentic engagement with black people about the pain of racism. It is about taking responsibility for the present; it relates to seeing things as they are and taking responsibility to work for deeper levels of transformation than we have had so far. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">This brings me to the man who is sometimes
regarded as the superspook, Niel Barnard and his new book <a href="http://bookslive.co.za/bookfinder/ean/9780624066170"><i><span face=""arial" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt;">Secret Revolution: Memoirs of a Spy Boss</span></i></a>. I again
reference Sparks when I say Barnard knew very well and precisely the evil of
the apartheid system. He was advisor to the highest decision-makers of the
apartheid system, and typically provided the information on which executive
decisions regarding repression were based. He played this role in the repressive
eighties. This was the period when the Cradock four were killed, when massacres
took place, when apartheid assassins roamed at night and when government
fuelled the bloodbath between Inkatha and the UDF.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Barnard presents an urbane and sugar-coated
view of those times, even as he does concede, when pressed, that he saw the
need for a “tough security hand maintaining stability” and the need to “keep
the country under control” in those times. As Barnard sees it, he and PW Botha
should actually be viewed as the icons of negotiation. He plays up the role that
he played in negotiations – it was he rather than De Klerk who was there from
the beginning.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">The Sparks issue also allows me to refer
again to the big men of the old order whose likeness and form are captured in
stone or bronze. There are people who would have us believe that the misdeeds
of these men can be ascribed to “the times”. In those days, as one caller to a
radio station put it, many people were doing it – seizing land, killing off
people and treating black people as inferior (a la Cecil John Rhodes). So
Rhodes should not be judged by what this caller termed “standards of today”. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">But it isn’t true that those driving
colonial domination were innocent or naive. People had choices then as they
have now. This is why Olive Schreiner condemned Rhodes. She saw him for what he
was, a man who knowingly perpetrated evil in the form of atrocities,
enslavement and plunder. A man who built his own power through robbing others
of their humanity and their lives.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span>
<span lang="EN-GB">Considering the numbers of people involved
in implementing apartheid’s harsher measures, one can ask: why were so few
people made to account via the Truth and Reconciliation process or through the
application of the criminal justice system. Why is there so much impunity? Small
wonder that, according to a report in The New Age recently, Eugene de Kock once
said: “(I) just want other people to be here with me (in prison). I don’t
deserve to be outside, they deserve to be here. We all deserve to be here”.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Although I use Alistair Sparks’ comments to
advance my concerns about accountability, I concur with those who have
expressed disgust at his remarks. I deplore the fact that, of all South
Africa’s leaders, Sparks chose to doff his hat to Verwoerd, and that he cites
only white people among those he considers clever politicians. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">I align myself with columnist Onkgopotse
Tabane when he tells Sparks in an open letter: “You probably also have no idea
what the fuss is about when people are outraged at the Wits SRC President
stating that he admires Hitler for his ‘organisational skills’. Your statement
is a version of the same.” </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">When liberals are under pressure and forced
to surrender their privileges, (for some) a great gulf develops between their
liberalism and their actions in the present. Others, thank heaven, find a deeper
meaning of true liberalism – one that aligns with the marginalised, one that
calls for sharing of the country’s wealth and one that demands redress for
historical wrongs.</span></div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-70047831540922495412015-05-15T07:33:00.002+00:002015-05-15T07:33:43.536+00:00Year of government since elections: buffeted by crises and lacking a sense of urgency<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">The government elected in 2014 has faced
inordinately tough conditions in its first year. Worse, these conditions come
at a time when South Africa's ruling party seems less agile, affected by the sins of
incumbency. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">This year has been very busy in political
terms. The Eskom crisis hit, affecting all South Africans and pushing up the
levels of frustration. Government faced an unprecedented situation in
Parliament, where new Economic Freedom Fighters disrupted the normal way of
doing things and gained significant public support for it. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">The economy continued to be afflicted by
poor performance. Global factors are largely to blame, but our omissions and mismanagement with respect to Eskom also
play a part. As a result of electricity supply problems, one economist cut his
GDP growth forecast from 2.9 to 1.9.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Government has also encountered problems in
parastatals, generally. The problems at South African Airways do not impact on
South Africans broadly (although the costly bailout will affect all in unseen
ways). Not so the Post Office (where services broke down due to strike action) and
SASSA (where for-profit service providers continue to unlawfully strip money
out of bank accounts of grant beneficiaries).
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">At the same time, protests of different
types continue to flare up. There are the numerous community protests that
erupt and die out. There are also student protests and several waves of
xenophobic violence. All this upheaval points to an increased demand for
redistribution or for more dramatic transformation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Faced with such challenges, government departments
cannot operate at the usual tempo. They have to accelerate on all fronts if
government aspires to notions of responsiveness and effective governance. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">In several key areas, we see bold ideas and
innovation. In relation to both the Department of Cooperative Governance and
SALGA, we have seen strong moves to ensure better management and less misuse of
government resources in local government. Despite negative responses from many
mayors, Pravin Gordhan has put the need for urgent reform at the top of the
agenda. <span style="color: #0d0d0d; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-themetint: 242;">SALGA
is pressing ahead with key measures. It wants to ensure there are
“consequences” for managers and other staff who fail in their duties at local
government level. It also wants to see stronger community oversight over key
projects.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">In health, Aaron Motsoaledi continues to work
tirelessly to improve hospital services, to chip away at inequality in the
health sector and to lead health promotion campaigns. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">The Gauteng Province also stands out as a
government unit that is formulating bold plans to overcome problems of delayed
redress. The premier David Makhura launched his programme for revitalising
township economics and its Education MEC Panyaza Lesufi has unveiled ambitious
plans to improve schooling in the province.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Numerous civil servants and government
units are continuing to do important work. Daily, hundreds of South Africans
get their identity documents and passports in good time (even though the department
concerned is sluggish when processing permit applications for migrants and
refugees). The Department of Basic Education continues to provide daily
learning to over 13 million learners in over 30 000 schools. Without
denying the massive infrastructure gaps (many sustained by provincial
shortcomings), the national department is pushing programmes to help teachers
implement the new curriculum and to face up to shortcomings.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Nonetheless, the surge of disenchantment
from unemployed youth, those waiting for RDP homes and those caught between
rising costs and modest wage increases means that performing at the same pace
is not enough. It means the old level of service delivery, even from good
departments, will not be sufficiently recognised. For hundreds of thousands of
South Africans – many of them angry – business as usual does not cut it.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">And if governance means ‘the capacity to
formulate and implement sound policies and systems that reflect the interests
of local citizens’, continuing in the current mode translates into deepening of
governance problems.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">The ANC government has several policy
options that it could use to respond to tackle the pressures, but it does not
implement them fast enough. For example, government is winding down delivery of
RDP houses and is, at least in policy terms, ramping up the provision of rental
housing. It has, again and again, vowed to increase beneficiation and has most
likely considered making selective use of tariffs to nurture certain economic sectors.
In relation to electricity, government has aeons ago talked about facilitating
access to equipment that would allow hundreds of thousands to make greater use
of solar energy. Government has gained brownie points for reopening the land
claims process, but the surge of new applicants will add to backlogs.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Even where there are good ideas that can
have transformative impact, implementation is usually far too slow. Often
implementation is held up by squabbles between competing interests (the set top
box story), by massive costs overruns (building costs for schools in the Eastern
Cape), by constant changes in key staff (various departments) and by a widespread
and politically-motivated unwillingness to hold functionaries accountable. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">During the last year, government has come
face to face with major fiscal constraints. Many government programmes are inadequately
funded. Many departments and municipalities try to manage this by slowing down
delivery and waiting for further funding rounds.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
As the ruling party, the ANC’s main
challenge is to get ahead of the game. With looming problems in the labour
arena, frequent conflict in parliament, an upsurge in xenophobia, ongoing community
protests and infighting in the security cluster, it is easy to be constantly
distracted. It would be easy, especially with over 60% support in the last
national elections, to rely on a few good departments to keep government support
up in perception surveys. But a more effective strategy would be to increase
the number of bold, transformative initiatives and to push government
departments to implement their many good plans with a much greater sense of
urgency.</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-24808382086899292712015-04-10T10:59:00.003+00:002015-04-11T07:50:47.020+00:00Something lighter on statues ...<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Had enough of the normal debates on statues? Follow the link for a poem on statues and which employs the sms language so widely used by the youth.<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span lang="EN-GB" style="background: white; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><a href="http://tinyurl.com/pvb6nnn">http://tinyurl.com/pvb6nnn</a><span style="font-size: 7.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<br />
<br />
<b><span lang="EN-GB" style="background: white; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 8.5pt;">Frank Meintjies </span></b><br />
<b><span lang="EN-GB" style="background: white; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 8.5pt;"><br /></span></b></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-80814168948088084342015-04-10T09:57:00.004+00:002015-04-13T18:47:54.751+00:00Racism and the debate around statues<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">I have listened
closely to debates around the statues in our country on various media platforms. In many of
these is very little mention of racism. There is talk of statues being ‘offensive’.
A great deal is said about ‘history and heritage’. There is also reference to notions
such as ‘inclusion’ and ‘social cohesion’.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">But if we want just
and sustainable solutions to this issue, we need to discuss racism and call it
by name. From there, we can jointly find the road to a more through-going transformation.
At UCT, even though a full discussion of racism was not held, it was easier to
find a workable resolution because the UCT vice-chancellor openly acknowledged
that racism (both past and current) afflicts the institution. Max Price
realises that listening to the students and dealing with exponents and heroes
of white superiority is the least that UCT can do.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">But for wider
society, and the broader issue of these landmarks, it is difficult to get wide
agreement (including larger numbers of white people) because many do not see
that removing the busts of these past champions of white superiority is the
least that society can do. It is therefore imperative to make racism a focal
point of current discussions. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">In the rest of
this article, I will discuss racism as well as issues of racist oppression
memory work. Thereafter I return to the debate around the removal of statues in
the context of the need to oppose and root out racism. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">It is true that
‘racism’ is sometimes used to refer to discrimination by one person against
another based on colour or ethnic origin. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">In this
article, it is used in the sense used by Ashok Ohri, Margaret Legum and Basil
Manning, renowned anti-racist workers in South Africa and Britain. Racism in
this sense is an ideology of group supremacy, is practiced over generations and
enters the culture of both the oppressed and oppressor. It entails denial on a
massive scale of resources, opportunities, dignity. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">In our case,
white racism has led to systematic human rights abuses and denial of rights
that will affect us for generations to come. Black people suffered immense loss
– including the loss of lives.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">In relation to
racism and memory work, a critical step in transformation is acknowledgment by
perpetrators and those who benefitted. Verne Harris and Chandre Gold, in an
official paper for the Nelson Mandela Foundation state that dealing with
oppressive past requires “people to take responsibility for violations
done in their name”. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">They also take
a tough line on perpetrators. In this regard they say that “a blanket amnesty
for the perpetrators of violation can never be justified” and could lead to “resilient
cultures of impunity, lack of accountability, and societal rage.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">In current
debates, some like Steve Hofmeyr and Sunette Bridges, would not like to foreground
racism. Such people want to chain themselves to their heritage – but what are
they saying about racism and allegiance to a system declared a crime against
humanity? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Others are
calling for “negotiations” on the issue of statues. Some, including a spokesperson
for the Freedom Front Plus, have called for keeping all the old statues and
simply adding ones that depict liberation heroes. Can you imagine the scenario:
five old-guard statues and five statues of anti-apartheid activists in every
town, and double that in each city? Can you imagine if such an approach were
used in Germany after the end of Nazism? This is exactly what we get if we try
to sidestep the racism issue. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">A few white
people have called on those demanding the removal of the statues concerned to
consider the biographies of the particular “hero”. “How many people did Rhodes
kill,” one caller to a radio station asked this week, demanding that the
offending statue be left alone. This caller fails to realise that the campaign
to dethrone “old guard” statues is actually a drive to end “denial”; to bring
home to South Africans the hypocrisy of claiming to be free of racism and yet
glorifying those who crafted, propagated and entrenched the system of
domination. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Finally, some
in the white community believe that removing the offending statues is a sign to
white people that they have no place in South Africa. But the opposite is true.
People like Max Price and other progressive white people know that this is not
about some kind of reversal of white-black racial discrimination. Many of those
who support the idea of bringing down the stone figure of Rhodes would welcome
statues of, for example, Beyers Naude, Helen Suzman and Liberal Party stalwart
Peter Brown. In this regard, as statues go, the dividing line is the distinction
between champions of an evil system and those who fought against it.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Despite our
fights, white and black people can face the future together. But a basic
requirement is acknowledgement of racism and taking responsibility for what
happened in the past. </span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
Frank Meintjies</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-81242261724458374892015-04-07T13:13:00.006+00:002023-08-31T19:38:18.917+00:00Vavi's dismissal: a new phase of political change & realignment<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">The dismissal of Zwelinzima Vavi foreshadows
another huge dip in the decline of COSATU – a federation that has split into
two camps, become a feeble voice in national affairs and recently parted ways
with one of its most powerful industrial unions.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Many ardent progressives, democrats and
supporters of the trade union movement are saddened by the turn of events. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">In commentary, one cannot help but repeat certain
points made in the past. At the same time, new perspectives about the consequences
come to the fore.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">It is best to see
the COSATU split at this stage through several connected observations – and to let
readers draw a picture of where things might be headed based on their needs and
interests.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Firstly, we need to note that the split is
between those who see COSATU as an equal partner in the alliance and those who
want COSATU to be obedient to the ANC on political matters. In terms of the
latter view, Cosatu is free to express its views, but once the father body
takes a decision, the federation must fall into line. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">But a sober view would realise that an
alliance between a political party and a trade union federation will always
involve tension and robust debate. There will never be agreement on everything,
especially as (in this case) the ANC is a broad church while the federation embraces
socialism. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">On joining the alliance, COSATU managed internal
critics of the marriage by insisting on the right to differ and space for
continual discussion of socialist imperatives. On both sides, skilful and
astute leadership facilitated the building of a strong alliance, tensions
notwithstanding.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">But in recent years, some influential in both
the ANC and COSATU have displayed a desire for all-out ANC control of COSATU.
They have become greedy for control. This group includes those in COSATU who
see trade unions as a stepping stone to positions in the ANC and political
office.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Leaders like ANC general secretary Gwede
Mantashe opposed this total control agenda; he challenged moves by his comrades
to crush troublesome voices in Cosatu and equally opposed threats by
anti-alliance unions to withdraw from COSATU. Mantashe appealed for balance,
but was in the end left on the sidelines by an influential few who champed
at the bit to bounce NUMSA and Vavi out of the federation. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">From Mantashe’s reaction, it is clear that
some union leaders – in a bid to ingratiate themselves with the ruling party – want
to be more ANC than the ANC itself. These role-players would do well to listen
to Mantashe's comments about COSATU, issued last week: “In their rush to hurt each
other, these leaders in Cosatu may find there will be nothing left of it”.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">The split in COSATU will weaken the other alliance
partners and the alliance itself. The Communist Party stands to lose massive
ground. The party sees itself as influencing the mass of workers to support the
ANC in elections. In this regard, it sees itself as working politically –
especially near elections – to persuade the worker bodies in society to formally
support the ANC. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">A split in COSATU will thus have an adverse
effect on the party’s influence in the ANC. In addition, the Alliance will be
weakened, especially if Vavi throws his weight behind another political party,
or if large numbers of workers change their political allegiances in response
to Vavi’s dismissal.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Emerging political formations – those hoping
to build an additional political voice to the left of the ANC – appear to
be happy about Vavi’s dismissal. Almost all of them have tried to recruit him
to their cause. These formations need Vavi not just to strengthen their popular
appeal, but also to help in strategy formation. Left groups are often afflicted
by narrowness and simplistic understandings of the link between national
liberation and class issues. Vavi would help them build a broad base and
identify campaigns that will have broad societal appeal. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">But, for now, none of them knows which way
Vavi will go. Sources claim that Vavi will shun the role of alternative
political leader – that he is more likely to lead a move to build a new
federation, one that unites Numsa, the seven pro-Vavi COSATU unions and various
other labour bodies.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Even if Vavi does not join any of their
initiatives, leaders of the new left-leaning forces welcome the developments. They
feel it signals a new phase in their bid to exert a leftward pull on the
political system. As they see it, untold thousands of workers, angered by
Vavi’s dismissal, may look for new political homes and may turn to these new role players.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">And Cosatu? The days ahead look cheerless
for COSATU. If the federation continues in the mode it has up to now – inward-looking, largely silent on national affairs, struggling to raise subs from
member unions and with limited policy impact – its decline will accelerate. In the light of
such challenges, taking a decision to dismiss Vavi is akin to a non-decision –
to fiddling while Rome burns.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">For workers, meantime, there is still no
let up to the pressures they face. In the last few years, workers share of
national income has declined and, as Dennis George of Fedusa has pointed out,
this has decreased workers’ spending power and led to greater inequality. As
Stats South Africa reported in 2010, half of all workers earn less than R2500 a
month. At the same time, we have seen the rise of informal and vulnerable
workers – an estimated one-third of the workforce are employed as casual
workers. Such workers earn low wages, are denied basic benefits, have no trade
union representation and are deprived of the chance of advancement in their
lives. In this context, the latest shenanigans in Cosatu constitute a further
setback to workers. </span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
No-one knows exactly what will happen – for example mass-level
responses, new alignments and other breakaways – as a result of Vavi’s dismissal
from Cosatu. But we can be sure of this: more flux and change in the
political landscape which in turn will fuel shifts in voting patterns in future
elections. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-GB">Frank Meintjies</span></div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-39181462166076557492015-03-27T08:04:00.001+00:002022-02-23T16:16:21.347+00:00Tackling racism through dialogue and dealing with the past must continue<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Racism is very
much in the news these days. The pundits will debate whether there is a spike in
racism or not, but it has always been present at sustained levels. Just because we declare apartheid over does
not mean it is gone. The real source of racism are the beliefs that lurk deep in
the unconscious, embedded there over many decades. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">I see the
racism in South Africa in terms of a triangle of three aspects: The need for
open-minded discussion; issues of memory and the past, and; current incidents.
These parts of the triangle don’t always interact well – and those who are
averse to systemic change will seek to maintain a disconnect between them. But
a good way forward is to tackle racism in a co-ordinated manner, focusing on
dialogue, truth about the past and preventive action. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Regarding the
need for open conversation, there has in the last 20 years not always been conducive
space for it. Space was often constricted by a number of factors including the
reconciliation narrative, the view that racism only happened in the past, and
collusion by an elite or aspirational group of blacks who feel discussion of
racism can be an obstacle to their intentions to get included in the system as
it stands. Now it's opened up. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Good discussion
of race has to be honest. It has to give space to those viewed as the “other”.
It must be strengthened by information or undisputed facts. Given our history,
dialogue has to be painful – to deal with pain and trigger painful emotions. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">So I can understand
that many people feel unsettled by the current flare up in discussion of
racial issues. But sometimes what manifests as ‘bad’ now is actually good for
all in the long run. </span>The open
discussion is already leading to an improvement in ‘listening’ in institutions
such as UCT and Rhodes University, to greater institutional acknowledgements
and awareness, and to government support for robust engagement on race.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">It has also led
to positive responses among some white people – as in the case of Jessica Breakey
who last week told UCT students in her blog that the protest against the Rhodes
statue was an act of “contradictory beauty” and “a catalyst of a movement”. She
told fellow white students: “The conversation on privilege has been drastically
stunted by the focus on class and the somewhat narrow focus of only addressing
what we’ve termed as poverty and inequality, thinking that our charity work
should be martyred and praised.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-right: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 2.15pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 2.15pt 0cm 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Regarding issues of
memory, we need to deal with the unresolved issues from our recent past.
Dealing with this past is never easy – questions of restitution, restoration
and atonement come to the fore. This is why there is so much resistance to
continuing with the necessary work of dealing with the past. In January, the
Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory released a statement (based on work with
international partners) on the objectives of memory work. Under the title of Reckoning with Oppressive Pasts,
the document says good memory work:</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-right: 2.15pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><span lang="EN-GB">must respond to the call of
justice, and should recognise that “redress and reparation is essential to the
empowerment of the violated”.</span></li>
<li><span lang="EN-GB">troubles those who want to “replicate
the prevailing power relations”.</span></li>
<li><span lang="EN-GB">creates spaces of healing and
seeks to prevent recurrence</span></li>
<li><span lang="EN-GB">strives “to create a shared
future for descendants of victims and perpetrators”. </span></li>
<li>enables people to take responsibility
for violations undertaken in their name.</li>
<li><span lang="EN-GB">lays “the foundation for
sustainable cross-generational action that leads to societal change and
transformation”.</span></li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Regarding
racist incidents, we must move beyond knee jerk reactions and expressions of
outrage that lasts for a short time. Such responses blind us to the possibility
of taking action that is preventative or properly corrective. We can begin by
looking for patterns and explore underlying norms and relations that give rise
to incidents. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span>
<span lang="EN-GB">We need to know
if there are hotspots – for instance, higher education campuses. We need to
explore different manifestations of racism, for example in different provinces.
This will also give us a chance to see the distinction and the link between
racism by those with power – which results in denial of resources, opportunity
and rights – and racial discrimination within the working class where the main
impact is denial of dignity. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">These are some of
the actions we can take to strengthen prevention:</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 0.0001pt 2.15pt;">
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Government should strengthen
the Human Rights Commission, providing increased resources to fight discrimination. </span></li>
<li><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="text-indent: -18pt;">Donors such as the Foundation
for Human Rights and others should be encouraged to support organisations doing
anti-racism work.</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Institutions should be
proactive and audit themselves, and then take appropriate action to change the
norms and practices which allow racism to thrive.</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">The media can go further than
reporting incidents; they can investigate certain environments in the same
manner that Henry Nxumalo went undercover to expose conditions on potato farms
in the 1960s.</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Citizens can play an active
role: we should make greater use of the equality courts, which are easy to use
and are set up precisely to combat unfair discrimination.</span></li>
</ul>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Let’s move
forward on dealing with racism. Let’s create spaces for dialogue. Let’s
continue to deal with the past and its consequences, which can then inform a
more sustainable and shared future. And let’s take targeted action, especially
in environments which are conducive to racist discrimination.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt 2.15pt;">
Frank Meintjies</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt 2.15pt;">
<i>This article first appeared in the press on 27 March 2015.</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt 2.15pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-bottom: 16.2pt; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 2.15pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 2.15pt 16.2pt 36pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<br /></div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-14253922533332162242015-03-20T13:32:00.001+00:002015-04-09T08:39:58.730+00:00De Kock - a fairer application of transitional justice is needed<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: xx-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">The story of
Eugene De Kock’s release on parole is a signal moment; it brings together conflicting
emotions, perspectives and questions about the failures and gains of South
Africa’s transition process.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">De Kock committed heinous crimes, including a series
of murders. One is tempted to write that no one has sunk deeper perpetrating
apartheid violence in South Africa than him. But then one remembers the collective
violence that has been visited on black people over centuries. And one recalls
those who gave the orders and those who turned a blind eye while hit squads
terrorised communities and wiped out numerous black lives. But, when it comes
to killing with your bare hands and literally smelling the blood of your
victims, De Kock stands out.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">I cannot argue with De Kock’s parole. By all accounts he
has studied the technical requirements for parole and gone to great lengths to
meet them. De Kock has also worked tirelessly – in a calculated manner, if you
like – to cultivate support among those who could help his case.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">On reading Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela’s book, A Human
Being Died That Night, one sees the different sides of De Kock. There is the part
of him that is willing – at specific moments – to open up, to make himself
vulnerable and to face up to his evil deeds. But there is also the De Kock who
is guarded, measured and who studiously avoids revealing too much about himself.
This one shrinks from accessing the dark place that drove him to do his
reprehensible deeds. In his latter mode, he worked methodically towards being
granted parole. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">There is disagreement in South Africa about De Kock’s
impending release. On one side is the deep pain of the victims’ families, the
scars that haven’t healed and those who lack closure. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">Jane Quin, whose sister Jackie was killed by De Kock,
is opposed to the parole decision, arguing that there is no basis for punishment
to be shortened. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">The family of Japie Maponya have indicated that,
although they do not question the granting of parole, they will not give it their
blessing. They say they will not forgive De Kock. Maponye was taken by De Kock
to a remote area to be killed; although another officer shot him, De Kock hit
him twice over the head with a spade. De Kock told the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission that the body could not be buried because the ground was too hard
and the body was dumped “under debris”. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">On the other side are those who choose the path of
forgiveness. Some families of De Kock’s other victims supported his release. In
addition, key public voices had called for De Kock’s release. In 2011, Andile
Mngxitima – then a civil society activist – argued that De Kock was a Christ-like
figure who paid the price of jail so that members of the white community could
continue to enjoy their gains from the apartheid system. De Kock was a
scapegoat and should be released, he said. Pumla Gobodo-Madikezela made the
case that “releasing De Kock would open up the possibility of a movement
towards a new politics of remembrance, one that would help invigorate dialogue
about the kind of future we want and the future of young South Africans”. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">De Kock’s parole is now a fact and he walks out of prison a free man. But
his release – set against the reality of De Kock's crimes and the generosity of
many in the black community – rekindles the demand for a fairer and more
equitable application of transitional justice .... for a better balancing of the
books. In this regard, it is imperative that authorities take the following
actions:</span><br />
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm -4.95pt 16.2pt 36pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: xx-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 11pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">We
need a better resolution of the reparations issue. Government needs to sit down
with those who received the modest reparations payout, most of whom remain
unhappy about the reparations process, and other victims of gross violations
still demanding their share. This group of people, organised through the
Khulumani Support Group, constitute a key voice among those who faced the sharp
end of repression. Even if it means using honest brokers such as Archbishop
Tutu or Yasmeen Sooka, government needs to find a lasting conclusion to the
reparations issue.</span></span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: xx-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">
</span></span>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm -4.95pt 16.2pt 36pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: xx-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 11pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">One of
government’s investigating units should probe De Kock’s claims that top leaders
in the apartheid government knew about his activities. Are de Kock’s claims
false or do they have merit – government has the resources to establish the
truth and provide a definitive report to the nation. De Kock should assist in
providing evidence to back his claims that De Klerk, PW Botha were aware of or
tacitly approved De Kock’s actions in cold-bloodedly targeting enemies of
apartheid.</span></span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: xx-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">
</span></span>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm -4.95pt 0pt 36pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: xx-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 11pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">Government
needs to proceed with the prosecution of those who did not seek or were denied
amnesty. Against a background of hit squads, assassinations, poisonings, letter
bombs and the many known persons that were involved in such deeds, Government
has generally failed to follow through and press charges against perpetrators who
still need to fully account.</span></span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: xx-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">
<br />
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;">Reconciliation
should always be implemented in a manner that allows and welcomes contrary or
questioning voices. South Africa generally celebrates those who have chosen to
forgive apartheid’s torturers and killers. But we should equally honour and
respect those like Jane Quin or the Maponye family, whose sense of culture and
principle lead them to demand that forgiveness be denied or delayed. Both
responses form part of a new South Africa based on compassion (especially for
the vulnerable and most marginalised), attempts at reconciliation, human rights and the
absence of impunity. </span></span></span><br />
<div>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: xx-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: xx-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11pt;"><o:p></o:p></span>
(This article first appeared in the press on 6 February 2015).<br />
<strong><em>Frank Meintjies</em></strong></span> </span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin: 0cm -73.75pt 16.2pt 36pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
</div>
</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-54696142551275247542015-02-13T09:18:00.000+00:002015-05-14T18:04:51.747+00:00The xenophobic violence speaks volumes about who we are<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span lang="EN-GB">The xenophobic violence we witnessed
recently across Gauteng tells us a great deal about ourselves. </span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Of course, in human rights terms the
violence and looting targeting non-South African shop owners is fundamentally unacceptable.
Beyond this, it is worth reflecting on the possible meanings of and the type of
thinking that informs this outbreak of violence and aggression.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Firstly, our communities seem to be in two
minds about ‘acceptance and rejection’ of the traders that hail from other
countries. At one level, the community gives many indications of acceptance,
ranging from opening accounts with traders, to renting shop space to opting to primarily
use these immigrant-run shops. Then, out of the blue during January and February
2015, scores of community members go on the rampage against these shops,
looting and vandalising.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Secondly, many among us seem confused about
formality and informality. On the one hand, many of us rely on and support
informality as a way of making a living. In our minds, not all informal
activity is illegal. In line with the World Bank and United Nations, we
acknowledge the livelihood opportunities that spring from the informal sector.
But then, when it suits us, we lambast foreign-owned spaza shop-owners
for not being registered – offering this as our justification for plundering
these stores.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Thirdly, we seem to be undecided about
whether we love or hate the prices and services we get from immigrant traders. We
toyi toyi and demand that immigrants who run the small township shops “get out”
- implying that life would be better with the old South African owned spaza
shops back. Some of us argue that it is unfair that such shops sell goods at
lower prices. But after the violence subsides, we line the streets and tell members
of the media a different story. We want the “friends” to return. We yearn for
their cheaper goods, their longer opening hours and the fact they seem to stock
many of the small things we need at short notice.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Fourthly, we seem to be schizophrenic in
our attitudes to townships. We rejected them as dormitory townships in which we
were forced to stay. We took up Oliver Tambo’s call that we move out of these
camps and start putting our stamp on other areas even as we continue community-building
in the locations. But, with the attacks on foreign spaza owners, we appear to
be asserting a jealous love of these townships. One clearly got the sense from
many Gauteng community members that they draw the line with "coming to
compete in our own backyard". </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">This looting and violence targeting
immigrant-owned shops raises questions about how we understand ourselves and
who we are. It raises questions about our own identity and issues of belonging </span>– and points to confusion about how we want to respond to refugees that have
found a safe haven in South Africa. Are we decent people (with values about
society-building) or bullies who use thuggish behaviour to get our way… or a
mixture of both? Do we prefer speech and articulation (of things we feel) or do
we favour acting out in the form of aggressive and intimidating conduct? Are we ambiguous about human rights -- do we emphasize rights when we have to claim them for ourselves but forget about the responsibility we have to live out these rights in our relationships with other humans we come across in our daily lives.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">We seem to be unsure about ourselves – as
indicated by our inconsistent responses.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">In addition, although South Africans view
ourselves as proactive citizens able to engage to advance our own interests, we
are not – it seems – empowered and organised enough to speak to the spaza shop
owners or their association about issues that perturb us. Rather, we allow
anger to simmer for long periods and then surprise them by breaking into their
shops and helping ourselves to their stock. Do we not have confidence in our
ability to raise issues, assert our needs and then craft lasting solutions with
other stakeholders?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">The violent attacks also tell us something
about the patterns of power and disempowerment. Power is often analysed
vertically – focusing on how power relations should be analysed between those
who are dominant and those who are forced into the role of the oppressed or
exploited. But the xenophobic attacks remind us that power should also be
analysed in terms of how it plays out horizontally.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">In this regard, the xenophobic violence is
an expression of conflict between poor versus poor. In our communities, weighed
down by frustration and intractable economic problems, (in this case) we lash
out at the nearer target of people we consider the “other” but who can in no
way be described as wealthy and powerful. These targets are easier to reach, It
is much more difficult, and would take greater planning and organisation, to
confront the captains of industry and those who continue to ensure the
production and retail systems remain in the hands of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>a racially defined few.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Ngugi Wa Thiong'o wrote the book
Decolonising the Minds, a book that has wide application in post-colonial
Africa. If indeed we ‘decolonised our minds’, would responses in our
communities to developments around spaza shops be different? If indeed we were
able, through organisation, to make more meaningful interventions to change the
economic system, would we find other entry points for change?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0cm 16.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Where are we headed, what are our
objectives (what do we really want?) – these are the questions that come to
haunt us in the wake of the unlawful and violent actions against non-South
African shop owners trading in townships.</span></div>
<strong><em>Frank Meintjies</em></strong></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-57555977860557118712015-01-24T08:26:00.000+00:002015-01-26T13:29:24.176+00:00Management lessons from the Eskom debacle<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span lang="EN-GB">Eskom’s current woes provide good case
study material for keen students of business management. What are the
management lessons to take away? Whose advice went unheeded in preceding years?
What cardinal sins were committed – not in relation to policy or politics or shareholder
and parliamentary omission over the last 20 years – but in terms of management?</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">The first broad observation to make by way
of background is to assert that the energy sector is distinctive. Perhaps more
than any other sector, it relies in a fundamental way on long term planning.<span style="color: red;"> </span>It is no wonder, then, that scenario planning came
out of the energy sector – out of the work of transnational corporations such
as Shell who realised that looking far into the distance was critical to
setting today’s management priorities.<s> </s></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">The second background point is that the
buck (or a large part of the buck) always stops with management. It is true
that a range of other role players may override management decisions. It is
also true that shareholders, politicians and even powerful legal advisors may
prevent top management from doing what they know is right. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">But the high-powered decision-makers in top
management must be able to answer and account for themselves.<span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;"> To maintain their
own standing as management practitioners doing their jobs and fulfilling their
fiduciary duties, they must be able to show they spotted major risks and gave
advice at the critical moments. T</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: small;">hose operating in the civil service ultimately have to comply with the directives issued by a political head - but they can place their views on record; they can discuss risks and give their professional advice through instruments such as memos and emails</span>.</span><span style="color: red;"> </span></span></span><br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif;">In the case of a powerful public body with a
large budget and with a mandate rooted in legislation, there is a far greater obligation.
If a politically-motivated decision that will have disastrous consequences has
been imposed on such a body, it should clearly indicate misgiving and concerns in
its accountability to parliamentary committees and through annual reports. These
is how things should be in a democracy.</span></div>
<br />
<span lang="EN-GB">A range of key management points arise from
the crisis at the electricity giant, including:</span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">To what extent is Eskom an
environment where underperformance or major management errors are met with consequences?
Or is it a place that practices management without consequences? What internal
action has been taken for major omissions that led to the current situation?
If, as the CEO Tshediso Matona implied,
some managers took bad decisions (or failed to act) on the issue maintenance,
what action has been taken? With regard to the Kusile and Medupe projects, has
any top manager faced consequences for failure to miss targets by such a wide
margin? </span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">How does Eskom use its reward
system to sustain optimal performance? In change management terms, the reward
system is a key lever for encouraging the desired conduct in line with key
organisational priorities and ‘ways of working’. What evidence is available
that, if one takes the issues of bonuses alone, the reward system has been used
to try and address organisational shortcomings?</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">Have any individuals over the
last 15 years or more raised the red flag about the sidelining of critical
goals such as long-term planning or effective maintenance? Or does ‘group
think’ reign at Eskom? Is Eskom afflicted by a perverse culture in that
prescribes that once one or two top dogs have spoken, everyone else merely
echoes the official line? </span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">Do Eskom managers belong to any
discipline, sector bodies or communities of practice? If so, to what extent –
in their publications and journals – did sector practitioners debate what was
taking place at Eskom and how this would impact on performance? One of the key
advantages of belonging to a professional association is ‘shared learning’.
Such shared learning in turn promotes innovation in the field and helps
managers remain fully attuned to their roles and responsibilities as
professionals. </span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">What role did external advisors
play? Consultants are paid to provide new perspective but the question can
rightly be asked: do external advisors often play it safe and say only what the
client wants to hear. Very often external advisors, once they have discerned
that the client is resistant to change, focus on small incremental improvements
in situations where a dose of fundamental change is needed. It would be
interesting to see what issues were raised in external assessments by technical
advisers and auditors over the years.</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">What is the current mood and
climate in the organisation? What are staff members’ opinions of working in a
huge public organisation that has failed to meet important objectives such as thinking
ahead and effective maintenance? How does it affect managers’ identity to work
in a company that is campaigning to encouraging people to use less of its
product – or that has managed to plunge an entire country into darkness?</span></div>
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">There are other important questions, such
as how top management accounts to external stakeholders. On this, the CEO has
stepped up to the plate and last week took the public into his confidence about
the depth of problems at the parastatal. One hopes this signals a move to
greater openness in management reports to parliamentary committees, to the
shareholder and – by extension – to the public.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">In the literature, there is talk about the
concept of 'public value’ as a way of evaluating the performance of state
bodies. In this regard, public value revolves around value-add and
what citizens value most. In the case of electricity (as with matric
results) citizens have a very clear idea of the outcomes and impact they expect.</span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-GB">It is in this context that management comes
under close scrutiny. Huge parastatals such as Eskom have a clutch of
high-powered managers. Their top jobs come with power and status – rooted in
big budgets, abundant perks and many people to order around – but also with
immense responsibility. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">There is great opportunity for those doing
work in the field of management to extract lessons and insights from the Eskom
debacle. There they will find rich seams of information as they probe Eskom’s
culture and examine how the parastal <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>– the
new CEO aside – came to externalise the reason for its failures. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<em><strong>Frank Meintjies</strong></em><br />
(This article first appeared in the press on 23 January 2015)</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2757006894427938175.post-59845031893144986862015-01-07T07:57:00.002+00:002015-01-07T16:00:37.218+00:00A turbulent year ahead, marked by ungovernability<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span lang="EN-GB">All indications are that 2015 will be
a tough year on many fronts. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">The economic issues will fire up our
current affairs, making engagements in the political sphere all the more
charged. At the level of the of the broader economy there will be continued frustration
as the economy continues to underperform, hobbled by a new constraints such as Eskom,
continuing shocks from the global economy and old impediments such as the
education system. The pressure will come as both the middle class and the
working class feel the squeeze and demand that government and industry do more
to implement of job-creation plans.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">In the social sphere, 2015 will be the year
where there will be even less social cohesion. At one level, this will manifest
in a continuation of high levels of crime. Fuelled by unemployment and lack of
hope, petty crime will be sustained while, syndicates will find new avenues to
undermine society and gender violence will continue to cast its shadow over us.
Any improvements in policing – and there are no indications that they will be
sufficient – will be undermined by worsening conditions in our settlements and a rise in inequality. </span><span lang="EN-GB"> </span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-GB">Lack of cohesion will also manifest in the
form of an ongoing rupture between those governing and the governed. </span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">One is likely to see an increase in
ungovernability. We have already witnessed rowdy behaviour by political
parties, an increase in conflict in the industrial relation arena and an
average over 1000 community protests a month. Although there are many factors
behind a breakdown in relations between government and citizens, anger about
corruption will still be a major trigger for eruptions of ungovernability. In
parliament and at community levels, we have seen how corruption mobilises
divergent groups into strident and unified protest action.</span></div>
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">Institutional factors will also contribute to
making next year difficult – one that is filled with a sense of uncertainty and
instability. On the one hand, we see that the ANC – a key institution that has
acted as an engine for positive change during the transition – is weakened and,
as President Jacob Zuma has noted, “in trouble”. In addition, South Africans
are losing faith in public institutions. The Institute of Justice and Reconciliation
reported this week that only 50 percent of South Africans who took part in a
representative survey had faith in the country’s institutions. Because
institutions help to channel differences and conflict, any significant loss of
respect for them contributes to turbulence. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">Of course, this kind of assessment can be
one-dimensional. It focuses necessarily on that which is deteriorating or
tending towards atrophy. However, another part of reality will be that many
elements will go on as before, including the dynamism that exists in our
society. Although many small businesses will be under pressure, many
entrepreneurs around the country will find gaps in the market and markets in
the gaps. A few corporates will keep their commitment to create jobs and run
supplier programmes with an affirmative action slant. Many educational institutions,
including schools, will pursue and attain excellence. A few government departments
will rally the troops and go the extra mile to reach delivery targets. There
will continue to be leadership and resilience in communities. And numerous
civil society organisations will soldier on, working close to communities,
assisting them with immediate needs or to claim their rights.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">It is also important to remember that,
despite the many objective factors weighing down on us, we can influence many
aspects of our reality. In this sense, the degree of turbulence is under our control.
We can decide to find solutions, hold each other accountable, work harder to
ensure implementation of election promises and be more focused on addressing
the needs of the masses.</span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-GB">What if anything can be done? The following
actions won’t prevent a bumpy ride in 2015, but could help us turn the corner
and create conditions for better prospects (and greater common purpose) in the period thereafter.</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></div>
<span lang="EN-GB">The first task lies at the door of the ANC.
In this regard, it is true, as President Zuma implied, that as the ANC goes, so
goes the state. This is no place to fully analyse the problems of the ruling
party. However, it urgently needs to address (a) its failure to get government
to deliver according to its mandate, (b) the gap between itself and a wider
base supportive of national democratic change and (c) its loss of the moral
high ground. It must take steps to ensure we do not get to the explosion that
Langston Hughes said comes after the “dream deferred”.</span><br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB">In addition, we as South Africans should
consider the following actions as a response to the pressure that will face us
in 2015:</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">There needs to be a firm
commitment from the powers that be to open rather than close down the space for
debate and discussion about national problems and solutions.</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">Citizens should become more
active in getting closer to their specific representatives and supporting them
where they perform and holding them accountable where they are just party
hacks, sleep on the job or serve their own interests.</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">Citizens should step into
spaces of engagement. Especially at local level – with regard to municipal issues
and on issues such as community safety and school education. Although getting
involved is difficult and often discouraged, we should know that we can only
build a strong democracy if there is democracy at the base.</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">We must tirelessly build hope
for the youth. Every company, non-profit organisation and quasi-state
institution should commit to enrolling young people for internships and work
experience. </span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">Violence against women is such
a fault line and a grim indicator of the state of things; we need to unite in
action against it. We are involved as perpetrators, colluders and survivors.
There is thus a great opportunity to bring South Africans from different
classes and population groups together in sustained citizen campaigns on this
issue. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-GB">With the help of the CCMA, more
companies and unions should work together to find models of management that
allow workers and bosses to share in the ups and downs of company performance.
Where such models already exist, we should promote them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
</div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
(This article first appeared in the press on 8 December 2014)</div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt 36pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18pt;">
<em><strong>Frank Meintjies</strong></em> </div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0